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Biblical  Introduction  Series 


THE  PROPHETIC  BOOKS 

OF  THE 

OLD  TESTAMENT 

THEIR  ORIGIN,  CONTENTS, 

AND  SIGNIFICANCE 


BY  Y 

FREDERICK  CARL  EISELEN 


Professor  of  Old  Testament  Interpretation  in  Garrett  Biblical  Institute 


VOLUME  II 


THE  METHODIST  BOOK  CONCERN 

CINCINNATI 


NEW  YORK 


Copyright,  1923,  by 
FREDERICK  CARL  EISELEN 


Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America 


The  Bible  text  used  in  this  volume  is  taken  from  the  American 
Standard  Edition  of  the  Revised  Bible,  copyright,  1901,  by  Thomas 
Nelson  &  Sons,  and  is  used  by  permission. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

VII.  The  Book  of  Ezekiel .  319 

VIII.  The  Book  of  the  Twelve .  353 

1.  Hosea .  354 

2.  Joel .  380 

3.  Amos .  404 

4.  Ob adi ah .  430 

5.  Jonah .  439 

6.  Micah .  471 

7.  Nahum .  492 

8.  Habakkuk .  508 

9.  Zephaniah .  525 

10.  Haggai  . 541 

11.  Zechariah  .  554 

12.  Malachi .  591 

Index .  613 


CHAPTER  VII 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZEKIEL 
i.  The  Book 

Name  and  Place  in  the  Canon.  The  name  Ezekiel 
— Hebrew  baptrn  Yehezkel,  Septuagint,  ’ie^^x  lezekiel, 
Vulgate,  Ezechiel — means  '‘God  is  strong”  or  "God 
strengthens.”  While  the  position  of  the  book  in  the 
canon  can  be  discussed  only  in  connection  with  Isaiah 
and  Jeremiah,1  there  are  a  few  questions  regarding 
the  canonicity  of  the  book  of  Ezekiel  which  may  receive 
consideration  here.  From  Ecclesiasticus  49.  8  it  appears 
that  the  book  was  a  part  of  the  prophetic  canon2  in  the 
days  of  Jesus  ben  Sirach,  that  is,  not  far  from  200  b.  c.  ; 
nevertheless,  its  canonicity  was  called  in  question  by 
Jewish  teachers3  at  different  times  during  the  succeeding 
centuries.  One  of  the  principal  objections  urged  against  \ 
the  book  was  that  in  a  number  of  instances  it  contra¬ 
dicted  the  books  of  Moses ;  and  for  a  time  it  was  in  real  ! 
danger  of  being  excluded  from  public  reading.4  It  was  j 
saved  for  the  Jewish  church  by  Hananiah,  the  son  of  j 
Hezekiah,  the  son  of  Garon,  a  younger  contemporary  of  / 
Hillel :  "But  as  for  Hananiah,  the  son  of  Hezekiah — 
blessed  be  his  memory — if  it  had  not  been  for  him,  the 
book  of  Ezekiel  would  have  been  hidden5  because  its 

1  See  vol.  I,  pp.  113-115. 

2  See  vol.  I,  pp.  9,  hi. 

8  Objections  were  raised  also  againt  Esther,  Proverbs,  Song  of  Songs, 
Ecclesiastes,  Jonah. 

4  Menachoth,  45a. 

6  That  is,  it  would  have  been  withdrawn  from  public  use  and  reduced 
to  the  position  of  an  apocryphal  book. 

3*9 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


words  contradict  the  words  of  the  Torah.  What  did  he 
do  ?  They  brought  him  three  hundred  measures  of  oil ; 
and  he  sat  down  and  explained  it.”6  The  effort  proved 
so  successful  that  at  a  later  time  the  book  was  quoted  as 
possessing  equal  authority  with  the  Torah,  at  least  in 
ceremonial  matters.7  The  obscurity  of  certain  passages, 
notably  the  vision  in  chapter  i  and  the  constitution  of 
the  restored  community  in  chapters  40  to  48,  presented 
another  difficulty  which  threatened  the  standing  of  the 
entire  book.8  Finally,  however,  all  objections  were 
overcome,  and  the  position  of  Ezekiel  in  the  canon  of 
sacred  writings  became  permanently  established. 

Contents  and  Outline.  The  book  of  Ezekiel  falls 
naturally  into  three  divisions,  each  dealing  with  a  particu¬ 
lar  subject:  (1)  Chapters  1  to  24,  the  sin  of  Judah  and 
its  punishment;  (2)  chapters  25  to  32,  oracles  against 
foreign  nations;  (3)  chapters  33  to  48,  Israel’s  future 
restoration;  ( a )  chapters  33  to  39,  prophecies  of  restora¬ 
tion,  (b)  chapters  40  to  48,  the  constitution  of  the  re¬ 
stored  Israel. 

The  insertion  of  the  oracles  against  foreign  nations  be¬ 
tween  the  threats  of  judgment  and  the  promises  of  re¬ 
storation  is  an  illustration  of  the  constructive  skill  which 
planned  the  arrangement  of  the  book :  ( 1 )  The  prophecies 
fill  up  the  interval  of  silence  between  the  two  periods  of 
Ezekiel’s  ministry;9  (2)  the  destruction  of  the  foreign 

8  Sabbath ,  13b;  Chagigah,  13a,  b. 

7  Moed  Katan ,  5a. 

1  According  to  Jerome  ( Prafatio  ad  Ezechiel),  these  obscure  portions 
were  forbidden  to  be  read  by  any  Jew  under  thirty  years  of  age. 

•  Chapter  24  records  the  dramatic  close  of  the  first  period  of  Ezekiel's 
activity,  on  the  day  when  the  Chaldeans  invested  Jerusalem;  chapters 
33ff.  contain  the  addresses  delivered  by  Ezekiel  after  the  report  of  the 
fall  of  Jerusalem  had  reached  him. 

320 


THE  BOOK  OE  EZEKIEL 


nations  is  represented  as  one  step  in  the  preparation  for 
the  return  of  the  exiled  Jews:  as  long  as  the  foreign 
nations  are  allowed  to  prosper  they  will  constitute  a  seri¬ 
ous  menace  to  the  small  Jewish  community  that  is  to  be 
reestablished  in  Palestine;  (3)  the  moral  and  religious 
corruption  of  Israel  in  the  past  was  due  in  large  meas¬ 
ure  to  contact  with  foreign  nations;10  if  the  lapses  of  the 
past  are  to  be  avoided,  the  source  of  these  evil  influ¬ 
ences  must  be  destroyed  before  the  exiles  are  permitted 
to  return. 

The  following,  then,  is  the  thought  development  in  the 
book  as  a  whole:  In  the  first  twenty-four  chapters  the 
prophet  stresses  judgment  as  a  punishment  for  sin,  the 
principal  item  in  the  judgment  being  the  destruction  of 
the  holy  city.  The  report  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  filled 
the  exiles  with  despair;  they  feared  that  the  end  had 
surely  come.  In  the  midst  of  the  people’s  despair 
Ezekiel  stepped  forward  and  pointed  out  that  a  new  era 
was  about  to  dawn  and  that  a  new  Jerusalem  was  to  rise 
from  the  ruins  of  the  old.  Three  aspects  of  the  restora¬ 
tion  are  elaborated  in  the  remaining  twenty-four  chap¬ 
ters:  (1)  The  preparation  for  the  return  through  the 
destruction  of  the  hostile  powers;* 11  (2)  the  restoration 
of  the  exiles  to  the  promised  land;12  (3)  the  constitution 
on  the  basis  of  which  the  life  of  the  restored  community 
is  to  be  organized.13 

I.  The  Sin  of  Judah  and  Its  Punishment  (i.  i  to  24.  27) 

1.  Ezekiel’s  call  and  initiation  into  the  prophetic  office  (1.  1  to  3. 

21). 

10Ezek.  28.  24-26;  29.  16. 

11  Chapters  25  to  32. 

u  Chapters  33  to  39. 

11  Chapters  40  to  48. 


321 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


(1)  Ezekiel’s  inaugural  vision  (i.  1-28). 

a.  Time  of  the  vision  (1.  1-3). 

b.  The  four  living  creatures  (1.  4-14). 

c.  The  four-sided  chariot  with  four  wheels  (1.  15-21). 

d.  The  glory  of  Yahweh  (1.  22-28). 

(2)  Ezekiel’s  appointment  as  a  prophet  (2.  1  to  3.  21). 

a.  Opposition  to  be  encountered  (2.  1-7). 

b.  Eating  of  the  roll  inscribed  with  Yahweh’s  message 

(2.  8  to  3-3)- 

c.  Appointment  as  “watchman  unto  the  house  of  Israel” 

(3.  4-21). 

(3.  22-27,  temporary  withdrawal  from  public  ac¬ 
tivity.) 

2.  Utter  destruction  of  Judah  and  Jerusalem  (4.  1  to  7.  27). 

(1)  Four  symbolical  actions  (4.  1  to  5.  4). 

a.  Siege  of  Jerusalem  (4.  1-3). 

b .  Length  of  the  exile  (4.  4-8). 

c.  Privations  and  exile  (4.  9-17). 

d .  Slaughter  and  dispersion  (5.  1-4). 

(2)  Three  discourses  of  condemnation  (5.  5  to  7.  27). 

a.  Doom  of  Jerusalem  (5.  5-17). 

b.  Devastation  of  the  land  (6.  1-14). 

c.  Destruction  of  the  inhabitants  (7.  1-27). 

3.  Yahweh’s  withdrawal  from  the  doomed  Jerusalem  (8.  1  to  11.25). 

(1)  Idolatry  in  the  temple  precincts  (8.  1-18). 

(2)  Slaughter  of  the  inhabitants  (9.  1-11). 

(3)  Burning  of  the  city  (10.  1-17). 

(4)  Yahweh’s  departure  from  the  temple  and  the  city  (10. 

18  to  11.  25). 

4.  The  nation’s  sinfulness  and  inevitable  doom  (12.  1  to  19.  14). 

(1)  Two  symbolical  acts  portraying  the  impending  downfall 

of  Jerusalem  (12.  1-28). 

(2)  Lying  prophets  and  the  doom  of  the  corrupt  city  (13. 

1  to  14.  23). 

(3)  Two  allegories  teaching  Jerusalem’s  ripeness  for  judg¬ 

ment  (15.  1  to  16.  63). 
o.  The  useless  vine  (15.  1-8). 
b.  The  foundling  child  (16.  1-63). 

(4)  Disloyalty  of  Zedekiah  and  its  consequences  (17.  1-24). 

(5)  Moral  freedom  and  individual  responsibility  (18.  1-32). 

(6)  Dirge  over  the  fall  of  Judah  and  the  ruling  dynasty  (19. 

1-14). 


322 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZEKIEL 


5.  Doom  of  Judah  and  Jerusalem  (20.  1  to  24.  27). 

(1)  Judah’s  persistent  rebellion  (20.  1-32). 

(2)  Chastisement  followed  by  restoration  (20.  33-44). 

(3)  Symbolic  representation  of  the  overthrow  of  Judah  (20. 

45-49;  Hebr.,  21.  1-5). 

(4)  Imminence  of  Jerusalem’s  destruction  (21.  1-32). 

(5)  Total  depravity  and  the  inevitable  judgment  (22.  1-31). 

(6)  Allegorical  portrayal  of  the  history  of  Judah  and  Israel 

(23.  1-49). 

(7)  Allegorical  portrayal  of  the  siege  and  capture  of  Jeru¬ 

salem  (24.  1-14). 

(8)  Death  of  Ezekiel’s  wife — symbol  of  the  despair  caused 

by  the  fall  of  the  holy  city  (24.  15-27). 

II.  Prophecies  Concerning  Foreign  Nations  (25.  1  to  32.  32) 

1.  Ammon  (25.  1-7). 

2.  Moab  (25.  8-11). 

3.  Edom  (25.  12-14). 

4.  Philistia  (25.  15-17). 

5.  Tyre  and  Sidon  (26.  1  to  28.  26). 

(1)  Prophecy  of  the  destruction  of  Tyre  (26.  1-21). 

(2)  Dirge  over  the  downfall  of  Tyre  (27.  1-35). 

(3)  Prophecy  against  the  king  of  Tyre  (28.  1-19). 

(4)  Destruction  of  Sidon,  restoration  of  Israel  (28.  20-26). 

6.  Egypt — a  series  of  oracles  (29.  1  to  32.  32). 

(1)  Destruction  of  the  Pharaoh  and  his  people  (29.  1-12). 

(29.  13-16,  Restoration  of  Egypt  as  the  basest  of  the 
kingdoms.) 

(2)  Conquest  of  Egypt  by  Nebuchadrezzar  (29.  17-21). 

(3)  Complete  and  speedy  overthrow  of  Egypt  (30.  1-19). 

(4)  Recent  and  imminent  disasters  (30.  20-26). 

(5)  Cutting  down  of  the  Pharaoh  and  his  multitudes  (31. 

1-18). 

(6)  Dirge  over  Egypt’s  disgrace  (32.  1-16). 

(7)  Dirge  over  the  Pharaoh  and  his  army  (32.  17-32). 

III.  Prophecies  of  the  Restoration  (33.  1  to  48.  35) 

I.  Restoration  of  the  exiles  to  the  promised  land  (33.  1  to  39.  29). 
(1)  Responsibilities  of  the  prophetic  office  (33.  1-33). 
a.  The  prophet  as  a  watchman  (33.  1-9). 
h.  Individual  responsibility  (33.  10-20). 
c.  Blindness  and  stubbornness  of  the  exiles  (33.  21-33). 

323 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


(2)  The  shepherding  care  of  Yahweh  (34.  1-31). 

a.  Removal  of  the  evil  shepherds  (34.  1-10). 

b.  Yahweh  the  good  shepherd  (34.  11-22). 

1 

c.  The  prince  of  the  dynasty  of  David  (34.  23-31). 

(3)  Contrast  between  the  destiny  of  Edom  and  that  of 

Israel  (35.  1  to  36.  38). 

a.  Edom  a  perpetual  desolation  (35.  1-15) . 

b.  Exaltation  and  felicity  of  Israel  (36.  1-15). 

c.  Vindication  of  the  deity  of  Yahweh  (36.  16-38). 

(4)  The  restored  Israel  and  the  Messianic  king  (37.  1-28). 

a.  National  resurrection  and  restoration  (37.  1-14). 

b.  Blessings  of  the  future  (37.  15-23). 

c.  Rule  of  Yahweh  and  of  the  Messianic  king  (37. 

24-28) . 

(5)  Yahweh’s  final  triumph  over  the  nations  (38.  1  to  39.  29). 

a.  Attack  upon  Israel  by  Gog  and  his  hosts  (38.  1-16). 

b.  Annihilation  of  the  enemies  of  Israel  and  of  Yahweh 

(38.  17  to  39.  20). 

c.  Yahweh’s  supremacy  and  Israel’s  restoration  (39. 

21-29). 

2.  Constitution  of  the  restored  community  (40.  1  to  48.  35). 

(1)  Extent  and  splendor  of  the  new  sanctuary  (40.  1  to  43. 
27). 

o.  The  new  sanctuary  with  its  courts  and  chambers 
(40.  i  to  42.  20). 

b.  Return  of  Yahweh  to  the  Temple  (43.  1-12). 

c.  The  altar  and  provisions  for  the  dedication  of  the 

Temple  (43.  13-27). 

(2)  Regulations  concerning  the  administration  of  the  new 
community  (44.  1  to  46.  24). 

a.  Permanent  closing  of  the  eastern  gate  (44.  1-3). 

b.  Exclusion  of  foreigners  from  the  Temple  service 

(44.  4-9). 

c.  Levites  and  priests  (44.  10-14). 

d.  Conduct  of  the  priests  and  support  of  the  Temple 

service  (44.  15  to  45.  12). 

e.  Sacrifices  and  sacred  days  (45.  13  to  46.  24). 

(3)  Disposition  of  the  tribes  in  the  holy  land  (47.  1  to  48.  35). 

a.  The  life-giving  river  (47.  1-12). 

b.  Boundaries  and  division  of  the  land  (47.  13-23). 

c.  Portion  of  the  seven  northern  tribes  (48.  1-7). 

324 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZEKIEL 


d .  Portion  of  Yahweh  (48.  8-22). 

e.  Portion  of  the  five  southern  tribes  (48.  23-29). 
/.  The  twelve  gates  of  the  holy  city  (48.  30-35). 


Origin  of  the  Book.  Some  of  the  prophecies  in  the 
book  are  definitely  dated  as  to  year,  month,  and  day. 
The  dates  given  may  be  tabulated  as  follows : 


Passage 

Date  Given 

Modern  Equivalent 

Day 

Month 

Year 

Month 

Year 

Ezek.  1.  1,  2 

5 

4 

5 

July 

593  b.  c.14 

3-  16 

12 

4 

5 

July 

593 

8.  1 

5 

6 

6 

September 

592 

20.  1 

10 

5 

7 

August 

591 

24.  1 

10 

10 

9 

January 

588 

26.  1 

1 

I  £16 

I218 

February 

585 

29.  1 

12 

10 

10 

January 

587 

29.  17 

1 

I 

27 

April 

571 

30.  20 

7 

I 

II 

April 

587 

31.  1 

1 

3 

II 

June 

587 

32.  1 

£ 

12 

12 

March 

585 

32.  17 

15 

12?17 

12 

March 

585 

33-21 

5 

10 

12 

January 

585 

40-  1 

10 

1  or  718 

25 

April  or  October 

573 

14  Jehoiachin  was  carried  away  in  597  b.  c.  If  that  is  reckoned  the 
first  year  of  his  captivity  the  fifth  year  is  593;  if,  however,  as  some 
think,  the  following  year  should  be  reckoned  the  first,  the  fifth  would  be 
592.  In  other  words,  on  the  basis  of  the  latter  interpretation  the  num¬ 
bers  given  in  the  last  column  would  all  have  to  be  lowered  by  one. 
Compare  G.  B.  Gray,  A  Critical  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament ,  p.  200. 

14  The  number  of  the  month  is  supplied  conjecturally.  According  to 
verse  2  the  prophecy  was  delivered  after  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem 
had  been  brought  to  the  prophet;  according  to  33.  21  the  news  was 
received  on  the  fifth  day  of  the  tenth  month  of  the  twelfth  year,  which 
means  that  26.  1  cannot  refer  to  an  earlier  date;  hence  the  suggestion 
that  the  eleventh  month  is  intended. 

16  From  the  facts  stated  in  the  preceding  note  it  appears  that  the 
prophecy  must  have  been  delivered  later  than  the  date  given  in  33.  21 ; 
hence  the  “eleven”  of  the  original  is  changed  to  “twelve.” 

17  The  number  of  the  month  is  not  in  the  original;  on  the  basis  of  32.  1 
the  number  “twelve”  is  supplied. 

18  It  is  uncertain  whether  the  reference  is  to  the  Babylonian  or  the 
Jewish  year.  In  the  former  case  the  date  would  be  in  the  spring,  in 
the  latter  case,  in  the  fall. 


325 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


A  few  explanatory  observations  may  be  added  to  the 
table:  (i)  On  the  whole,  the  dates  appear  in  regular 
chronological  order.  Complete  regularity  is  secured  by 
the  omission  of  chapters  25  to  32,  the  prophecies  against 
foreign  nations ;  the  arrangement  of  the  latter  is  logical 
rather  than  chronological ;  only  the  prophecies  centering 
around  the  same  nation,  Egypt,  in  chapters  29  to  32, 
are  grouped  chronologically.19  (2)  There  is  insufficient 
reason  for  questioning  the  accuracy  of  the  chronological 
notes.  With  the  exception  of  26.  iff.,  where  an  emenda¬ 
tion  is  proposed,  the  prophecies  may  well  have  originated 
at  the  times  suggested.20  (3)  The  dates  given  apply 
only  to  the  prophecies  immediately  following;  no  infer¬ 
ences  may  be  drawn  from  them  regarding  the  origin  of 
the  undated  prophecies  or  their  arrangement.  Indeed, 
even  the  dates  furnished  must  be  checked  by  the  contents  ; 
while  in  the  case  of  the  undated  prophecies  internal  evi¬ 
dence  constitutes  the  only  available  basis  of  decision.21 
(4)  In  the  absence  of  conclusive  internal  evidence  it  is 
no  easy  task  to  determine  the  origin  of  the  undated 
prophecies ;  perhaps  it  is  not  possible  to  do  more  than  to 
distribute  the  utterances  between  the  two  periods  sepa- 

18  With  the  exception  of  29. 17!!.,  which  is  in  the  nature  of  an  appendix. 

50  In  8.1 ;  20.1 ;  29. 1 ;  32. 1 ;  32. 17;  40.  I  the  Septuagint  differs  from  the 
Hebrew,  but  in  each  case  the  latter  is  to  be  preferred. 

11  Many  writers  have  assumed  that  a  given  date  covers  all  the 
prophecies  between  it  and  the  next  date  mentioned.  For  instance,  it 
is  thought  that  3.  16  fixes  the  date  of  all  the  prophecies  up  to  7.  27, 
and  8.  1  the  date  of  everything  up  to  19.  14,  etc.  (See  the  table  in  H.  A. 
Redpath,  The  Book  of  the  Prophet  Ezekiel,  p.  xv.)  However,  a  close 
study  shows  that  this  assumption  is  unwarranted.  (See,  for  instance, 
Kraetzschmar,  Ezechiel ,  pp.  71,  72.)  Even  the  modified  contention  that 
the  general  chronological  order  of  the  undated  prophecies  may  be 
inferred  from  the  arrangement  of  the  dated  prophecies  is  without 
adequate  support. 

326 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZEKIEL 


rated  by  the  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem.22 
To  the  earlier  period  belong  the  prophecies  which  refer 
to  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  as  still  in  the  future;  to  the  later 
period  the  prophecies  which  refer  to  it  as  an  accom¬ 
plished  fact.23 

Until  very  recently  few  scholars  thought  it  necessary 
to  devote  any  space  to  a  discussion  of  the  genuineness  or 
integrity  of  the  book.  Even  Driver  disposes  of  the  ques¬ 
tion  in  a  single  sentence.:  “No  critical  question  arises  in 
connection  with  the  authorship  of  the  book,  the  whole 
from  beginning  to  end  bearing  unmistakably  the  stamp 
of  a  single  mind/’24  In  the  same  spirit  Gray  writes :  “It 
is  the  work  of  Ezekiel,  a  priest,  who  was  one  of  the 
captives  of  the  year  597  b.  c.  .  .  .  The  question  of 
sources  arises  just  as  little  as  the  question  of  integrity. 
.  .  .  He  incorporates  no  ancient  priestly  document, 

no  earlier  prophetic  oracle,  no  Babylonian  story  in  his 
book;  he  molds  his  material,  whencesoever  derived,  into 
a  work  that  bears  throughout  the  stamp  of  his  own  per¬ 
sonality.”25  The  problem,  however,  is  not  quite  as  simple 
as  these  positive  assertions  might  seem  to  indicate. 

A  few  attempts  have  been  made  to  prove  that  the  book 
as  a  whole  is  postexilic  in  origin.  Thus  Zunz  placed  it 
in  the  Persian  period,  the  latter  part  of  the  fifth  century 
b.  c26  Others  have  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  Zunz, 

22  Ezek.  33.  21. 

23  This  does  not  mean  that  every  prophecy  of  future  restoration  must 
be  dated  subsequently  to  the  fall  of  the  holy  city ;  some  of  the  promises 
regarding  the  more  distant  future  may  well  have  been  delivered  while 
the  city  was  still  standing,  in  anticipation  of  the  imminent  destruction. 

24  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament ,  p.  279. 

86  Critical  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament ,  pp.  199,  200. 

16  Gottesdienstliche  Vortraege  der  Juden,  2d  ed.,  1892,  pp.  165-170; 
Zeitschrift  der  Deutschen  Morgenlaendischen  Gesellschaft,  1873,  pp.  676- 

327 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


repeating  his  arguments  and  expanding  them.  Seinecke, 
for  instance,  assigns  the  book  to  the  Maccabean  period  ;27 
Vernes  treats  it  as  a  collection  of  fragments  edited  about 
200  b.  c. ;  Havet  identifies  Gog,  in  chapter  38,  with  the 
Parthians  and  thinks  that  chapters  40  to  48  were  com¬ 
posed  at  the  time  when  Herod  the  Great  made  plans  for 
the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple.  These  extreme  views  have 
found  no  favor  with  the  great  body  of  scholars,  and 
at  present  it  is  generally  admitted  that  the  book  has  a  real 
and  vital  connection  with  the  prophet  Ezekiel.28 

Some  recent  writers,  without  raising  any  question  as 
to  the  connection  of  Ezekiel  with  the  book,  have  ex¬ 
pressed  dissatisfaction  with  the  easy-going  manner  in 
which  scholars  of  a  former  generation  and  some  belong¬ 
ing  to  the  present  generation  have  handled  the  book.  They 
have  felt  that  the  facts  presented  in  the  book  not  only 
justify  but  actually  demand  the  serious  consideration 
of  questions  like  these:  (1)  Are  the  prophecies  recorded 
in  the  book  based  on  spoken  discourses  or  are  they  purely 
literary  productions?  (2)  Granting  that  the  individual 
prophecies  originated  with  Ezekiel,  were  they  collected 
by  him  into  a  “book  of  Ezekiel”  ?  (3)  Admitting  that 

681.  The  principal  arguments  are:  The  non-mention  of  Ezekiel  by 
Jeremiah ;  the  presence  of  specific  predictions  such  as  are  not  found  in  the 
other  prophetic  books  (12.  12,  13;  17.  22ff.);  the  improbability  of  a 
prophet  drawing  up  a  new  constitution  so  soon  after  the  destruction  of 
the  Temple;  the  use  of  material  characteristic  of  the  postexilic  period, 
such  as  the  treatment  of  angels  in  chapters  9,  10,  the  mention  of  late 
non-Jewish  personages,  the  use  of  the  name  “Persia,”  etc.;  imitation  of 
Jeremiah;  employment  of  the  era  of  the  exile;  linguistic  peculiarities, 
etc. 

27  Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel ,  II,  pp.  1-20.  See  also  H.  Winckler, 
Forschungen,  III,  pp.  135- 155. 

28  For  a  brief  discussion  of  the  question,  see  Encyclopedia  Biblica, 
article  “Ezekiel.” 

328 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZEKIEL 


Ezekiel  made  a  collection  of  his  prophecies,  is  the  book  in 
its  present  form  identical  with  this  collection  or  is  it  a 
later  expansion  of  Ezekiel’s  own  work? 

In  support  of  the  claim  that  no  spoken  discourses 
underlie  the  book  of  Ezekiel,  or,  that  Ezekiel  was  not  a 
preacher  but  a  writer,29  arguments  like  these  are  adduced : 
(i)  Many  of  the  prophecies  are  addressed  to  people 
whom  Ezekiel,  who  lived  among  the  exiles,  could  not 
reach  by  word  of  mouth,  such  as  the  inhabitants  of  Jeru¬ 
salem,  and  the  foreign  nations  condemned  in  chapters  25 
to  32.  (2)  The  contents  of  chapters  40  to  48  are  of 

such  a  nature  that  it  is  impossible  to  believe  that  the 
detailed  and  technical  descriptions  of  the  Temple  and  its 
services  found  in  these  chapters  were  ever  brought  to  the 
exiles  in  oral  form.  (3)  Ezekiel  himself  admits,  in  3. 
26  and  24.  27,  that  he  was  dumb  during  the  period  in 
which  the  greater  portion  of  his  prophecies  might  be 
thought  to  have  originated.  (4)  According  to  2.  9#.,  the 
word  of  Yahweh  came  to  the  prophet  in  the  form  of  a 
book. 

These  arguments  are,  of  course,  in  no  sense  conclusive : 
(1)  All  the  more  extensive  prophetic  books  contain 
prophecies  addressed  to  persons  whom  the  prophet  could 
not  reach  by  word  of  mouth.  The  explanation  is  that 
these  utterances,  though  addressed  to  others,  had  a  sig¬ 
nificance  for  those  to  whom  the  prophet  was  talking: 
the  direct  address  to  the  people  concerning  whom  the 
prophet  was  making  a  declaration  was  intended  as  a 
literary  device  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  message 

29  Reuss  states  emphatically  that  there  is  not  a  single  page  in  the  book 
that  may  be  assumed  to  contain  a  “publicly  delivered  address.”  Ezekiel, 
he  insists,  “was  not  a  speaker  but  a  writer”  (Die  Propheten,  II,  pp. 
348,  349). 


329 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


more  striking  and  impressive.  Such  a  device  may  be 
used  in  spoken  discourse  as  readily  as  in  a  written  pro¬ 
duction.30  (2)  Chapters  40  to  48,  which  are  different 
from  the  rest  of  the  book,  may  well  have  existed  in 
written  form  from  the  beginning;  but  this  admission  re¬ 
garding  one  part  of  the  book  throws  no  light  on  the  origin 
of  chapters  1  to  39.  (3)  The  contexts  of  both  3.  26 

and  24.  27  show  that  Ezekiel’s  silence  was  temporary; 
whenever  Yahweh  wanted  him  to  speak  he  could  and 
did  open  his  mouth.  (4)  The  reference  to  the  book  in 
2.  9ff.  is  nothing  more  than  a  vivid  description  of  the 
prophet’s  inspiration;  it  may,  indeed,  prove  that  Ezekiel 
knew  written  prophecies,  but  warrants  no  conclusion  as 
to  the  origin  of  his  own  book.  But  not  only  are  the 
arguments  discussed  inconclusive;  a  close  study  of  the 
book  reveals  several  specific  statements  to  the  effect  that 
Ezekiel  was  a  speaking  prophet.31 

Most  scholars  who  believe  that  spoken  discourses  form 
the  basis  of  the  present  book  of  Ezekiel  credit  the  col¬ 
lection  and  arrangement  of  the  individual  prophecies  to 
Ezekiel  himself.32  But  among  those  who  look  upon 
Ezekiel  as  the  collector  two  distinct  views  may  be  dis¬ 
covered:  (1)  Smend,  followed  by  several  more  recent 
writers,  argued  strongly  in  favor  of  the  view  that  the 


30  Surely,  there  is  no  ground  for  believing  that  Ezekiel  dispatched 
letters  containing  these  prophecies  either  to  Jerusalem  or  to  the  foreign 
nations  named. 

31  2.  4ff.;  3.  27;  11.  25;  20.  iff.;  33.  3off.  One  is  hardly  justified  in 
regarding  these  passages  as  intentional  or  unintentional  misrepresenta¬ 
tions. 

32  Some  scholars  who  doubt  the  presence  of  spoken  discourses  never¬ 
theless  trace  the  book  to  Ezekiel.  Kuenen,  for  instance,  insists  that 
there  are  no  good  reasons  for  assuming  that  the  book  was  written  by 
some  one  else. 


330 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZEKIEL 


book  is  not  a  compilation  of  material  preserved  by  the 
prophet  from  different  periods  of  his  prophetic  ministry, 
but  an  original  work  composed  and  written  toward  the 
close  of  Ezekiel’s  career;33  which  means,  that  the  proph¬ 
ecies  threatening  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  were  written  long 
after  the  city  had  fallen  and  in  the  light  of  that  experi¬ 
ence  as  a  fact  of  history.  In  support  of  his  contention 
Smend  directed  attention  to  the  artistic  arrangement  of 
the  book,  the  general  balance  of  part  with  part,  the  numer¬ 
ous  parables  and  figures  which,  as  he  thought,  presented 
conclusive  evidence  of  literary  elaboration;  he  expressed 
serious  doubt  that  prophecies  dealing  with  so  many  differ¬ 
ent  subjects  and  delivered  on  numerous  occasions 
throughout  a  long  period  of  time  could  have  been  brought 
together  to  form  a  smooth,  symmetrical,  and  harmonious 
whole.34  (2)  The  opinion  held  by  most  scholars  is 
expressed  in  concise  form  in  the  following  words  of  G.  B. 
Gray:  “Are  we,  then,  to  assume  that  1  to  7  is  a  section 
written  by  Ezekiel  in  592-591,  8  to  19  another  written 
in  591-590,  and  so  on,  and  that  toward  the  end  of  his 
life  he  simply  put  together  these  various  notebooks  ?  The 
general  uniformity  of  style  and  the  careful  arrangement 
of  the  book  and  its  very  real  unity  are  most  unfavorable 
to  such  a  theory.  It  is  more  reasonable  to  suppose  that 
Ezekiel  had  some  record  of  his  teaching  at  specific  times 
in  his  career,  that  the  various  sections  substantially  re¬ 
produce  that  teaching,  but  that  the  entire  book  was 
planned  and  written  after  572,  and,  indeed,  after  570, 
unless  we  prefer  to  suppose  that  the  prophet’s  correction35 
in  570  of  what  he  had  said  erroneously  in  586s6  was 

33  He  believes  that  40.  1  suggests  a  probable  date. 

34  Der  Prophet  Ezekiel  Erklaert,  pp.  xxi,  xxii. 

36  Ezek.  29.  17-24.  36  26.  12. 

331 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


inserted  by  himself  in  a  work  which  he  had  completed 
as  early  as  572.  While  the  various  sections  of  the  book 
substantially  and  generally  reproduce  the  teaching  of 
Ezekiel  at  the  dates  specified,  occasional  exceptions  to 
this  rule  certainly  seem  to  occur,  and  these,  too,  are  most 
naturally  explained  if  we  assume  a  free  construction  of 
the  book  on  the  basis  of  some  definite  records,  at  the 
close  of  Ezekiel’s  career.  Such  an  exception  is  the 
allusion  to  Zedekiah’s  breach  of  faith  with  Nebuchad¬ 
nezzar,37  which  took  place  after  591,  the  date  assigned 
to  8  to  19.”38  Whether  Ezekiel  wrote  the  entire  book  in 
its  present  form  or  not,  there  is  insufficient  reason  for 
doubting  the  fact  that  the  prophet  made  a  collection  or 
collections  of  at  least  some  of  the  prophecies  previously 
delivered  orally  and  composed  in  written  form  the  con¬ 
stitution  for  the  restored  community  now  found  in  chap¬ 
ters  40  to  48. 

A  few  recent  writers  claim  to  have  discovered  in 
Ezekiel,  as  in  other  prophetic  writings,  evidence  of  edi¬ 
torial  activity,  which  has  convinced  them  that  the  book 
in  its  present  form  is  not  the  work  of  Ezekiel  but  of  a 
later  redactor:39  (1)  In  opposition  to  the  claim  that  ar¬ 
rangement,  unity,  and  proper  disposition  of  material 
point  to  Ezekiel  as  the  author,  it  is  pointed  out  that  these 
characteristics  do  not  justify  such  conclusion  nor  exclude 
the  activity  of  a  redactor.  (2)  Attention  is  called  to 
the  Jewish  tradition  embodied  in  the  Babylonian  Talmud 

37 17. 15-18. 

38  Critical  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament ,  p.  201.  The  closing 
statement  is  based  on  the  erroneous  assumption  that  the  date  given  in 
8.  1  fixes  the  dates  of  all  the  prophecies  in  chapters  8  to  19  (see  above, 
p.  326).  Comill,  Bertholet,  and,  indeed,  most  scholars  agree  with  the 
general  position  of  Gray. 

39  For  instance,  Herrmann,  Kraetzschmar,  Steuemagel. 

332 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZEKIEL 


that  the  “men  of  the  Great  Synagogue”  wrote  the  book 
of  Ezekiel40  and  to  the  statement  of  Josephus  that  Ezekiel 
wrote  two  books  ;41  which  is  thought  to  imply  the  exist¬ 
ence  of  two  recensions  which,  it  is  further  thought,  were 
subsequently  brought  together  to  form  the  present  book.42 
(3)  The  use  of  two  different  recensions  in  the  production 
of  the  present  book  is  inferred  also  from  the  presence 
of  alleged  repetitions  and  discrepancies.43  It  is  further 
argued  that  granting  the  claim  that  the  present  book  is 
the  result  of  a  combination  of  two  recensions,  the  activity 
of  a  redactor  must  be  assumed,  for  it  is  not  probable  that 
the  two  recensions  originated  early  enough  to  enable 
Ezekiel  to  make  the  combination.44  (4)  Kraetzschmar 

40  Baba  bathra,  14b.  Compare  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the  Pen¬ 
tateuch,  p.  86.  Since  the  statement  cannot  be  interpreted  as  referring  to 
the  composition  of  the  book,  it  is  interpreted  as  implying  a  late  revision 
of  a  rather  radical  nature. 

41  Antiquities,  x,  5.  I. 

42  It  must  be  admitted  that  no  satisfactory  explanation  of  Josephus’ 
statement  has  as  yet  been  found.  There  is  no  support  for  the  assump¬ 
tion  that  the  reference  is  to  Jeremiah,  and  that  the  two  books 
alluded  to  are  Jeremiah  and  Lamentations.  Nor  is  it  probable  that 
Josephus  thinks  of  two  parts  of  Ezekiel — chapters  1  to  24,  a  book  of 
doom;  chapters  25  to  48,  a  book  of  promise — or  that  at  one  time 
chapters  25  to  32  or  40  to  48  circulated  as  an  independent  work.  No 
apocryphal  book  which  Josephus  might  have  had  in  mind  is  known. 

43  In  some  passages,  for  instance  chapter  7,  repetitions  are  so  apparent 
that  several  scholars — Hitzig,  DeLagarde,  Comill,  Bertholet — have 
suspected  the  introduction  of  material  from  a  second  source,  but  Kraetz¬ 
schmar  has  gone  far  beyond  earlier  writers  in  the  discovery  of  rep¬ 
etitions  and  discrepancies  (Ezechiel,  p.  xiii).  He  assumes  two  recensions, 
a  longer  and  a  shorter.  In  the  former  Ezekiel  speaks  in  the  first  person; 
from  it  the  shorter  recension  was  made,  in  which  the  prophet  is  referred 
to  in  the  third  person. 

44  Some  scholars,  while  recognizing  the  facts  to  which  Kraetzschmar 
calls  attention,  hesitate  to  accept  the  explanation  offered  by  him. 
Thus,  Budde  suggests  that  the  book  written  by  Ezekiel  practically  in 
its  present  form  circulated  in  several  recensions,  which  gradually  came 

333 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


calls  attention  to  several  other  characteristics  which,  he 
thinks,  receive  a  more  natural  explanation  on  the  assump¬ 
tion  that  some  one  other  than  Ezekiel  is  responsible  for 
the  book  in  its  present  form.45 

In  the  discussion  of  the  question  of  different  recen¬ 
sions  special  attention  has  been  given  to  the  prophecy  con¬ 
cerning  Gog  in  chapters  38,  39  and  the  ecclesiastical  con¬ 
stitution  in  chapters  40  to  48.  Kraetzschmar  recognizes 
in  38,  39  two  originally  independent  prophecies,  the  first 
in  38.  3-9,  1 6b,  17;  39.  1-8,  the  second,  in  38.  io-i6a, 
18-23;  39.  9-20.  This  conclusion  is  accepted  by  Gress- 
mann,  who,  however,  goes  beyond  Kraetzschmar  in  con¬ 
sidering  the  whole  of  the  two  chapters  later  than 
Ezekiel.46  Herrmann  believes  that  underlying  the  two 
chapters  is  a  genuine  prophecy  of  Ezekiel  directed  against 
Babylon47  and  based  to  some  extent  on  mythological  ma¬ 
terial.  This  nucleus,  he  thinks,  was  subsequently  worked 
over  by  a  redactor,  who  introduced  the  characteristically 

to  differ  in  details,  and  that  subsequently  all  these  recensions  underwent 
a  uniform  revision  ( Geschichte  der  Hebraeischen  Litter atur,  pp.  154,  155). 
Herrmann,  who,  in  his  Ezechielstudien,  subjected  the  book  to  the  most 
searching  criticism,  admits  that  the  book  suffered  later  alterations,  but 
some  of  the  phenomena  which  Kraetzschmar  is  inclined  to  credit  to 
redactors  he  traces  to  the  fact  that  Ezekiel  did  not  write  the  book  at 
one  time  but  built  it  up  gradually  out  of  smaller  units,  and  that  he 
continued  the  work  of  revision  and  correction  for  a  long  period  of  time. 

46  For  instance,  the  corruption  of  the  text  in  the  opening  verses;  the 
abrupt  close  of  the  narrative  in  3.  15  and  10.  7;  the  expansion  of  the 
inaugural  vision  in  3.  16b  to  21;  the  lack  of  orderly  arrangement  in 
chapters  4,  5,  44  to  46;  the  unexplained  repetitions  in  the  account  of  the 
vision  of  the  cherubim  and  the  divine  glory  in  chapter  10;  the  inter¬ 
polation  of  11.  1-13  and  14-21  in  the  vision  of  the  temple  in  chapters  8 
to  11 ;  the  omission  of  the  date  in  37.  1;  the  lack  of  order  in  chapters 
38,  39- 

46  Eschatologie,  pp.  i8off. 

47  No  prophecy  against  Babylon  is  found  in  the  list  of  prophecies 
against  foreign  nations  in  chapters  25  to  32. 

334 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZEKIEL 


eschatological  elements  in  38.  5,  6,  8,  14-16,  17-23;  39. 
5,  16.  Sellin,  on  the  whole,  agrees  with  Herrmann,  but 
traces  some  of  the  elements  which  the  latter  credits  to 
a  later  redactor  to  the  mythological  basis  of  Ezekiel’s 
prophecy.48  To  the  present  writer  it  seems  that  the  two 
chapters  contain  a  genuine  prophecy  of  Ezekiel,  which 
later  underwent  editorial  revision  in  certain  details. 

Contrary  to  the  commonly  accepted  theory  of  the  unity 
of  chapters  40  to  48,  Herrmann  has  suggested  that  these 
nine  chapters  contain  more  or  less  extensive  interpola¬ 
tions;  he  questions,  for  instance,  43.  13-27;  44.  20-31; 
45.  11-15;  46.  11,  13-iS;  47-  13  to  48.  34-  That  the 
text  of  these  chapters  is  in  disorder  and  that  certain 
alterations  in  Ezekiel’s  original  program  were  made  for 
the  purpose  of  harmonizing  Ezekiel’s  scheme  with  the 
legislation  of  the  Pentateuch  is  very  probable;  on  the 
other  hand,  it  seems  a  difficult,  if  not  impossible  task, 
to  separate  the  original  material  from  the  later  altera¬ 
tions  and  expansions.  In  general,  it  may  be  stated  that 
while  there  are  evidences  of  editorial  activity  in  the  book 
of  Ezekiel,  redactors  played  a  much  less  prominent  role 
here  than  in  other  prophetic  books. 

To  sum  up  this  entire  discussion — the  following  stages 
in  the  history  of  the  book  of  Ezekiel  may  be  recognized : 
(1)  The  prophetic  activity  of  Ezekiel,  during  which  he 
delivered,  among  the  exiles  in  Babylonia,  discourses 
the  substance  of  which  is  preserved  in  chapters  1  to  39, 
and  formulated  in  writing  the  constitution  of  the  restored 
community  embodied  in  chapters  40  to  48.  The  practice 
of  summarizing  spoken  discourses  in  brief  poems,  which 
was  adopted  by  some  of  the  earlier  prophets,  was  not 
followed  to  any  marked  extent  by  Ezekiel.  There  are, 

48  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament ,  p.  84. 

335 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


indeed,  a  few  poetic  passages,49  but  by  far  the  greater 
part  of  the  book  is  in  prose.  The  prose  summaries  of  the 
longer  discourses  may,  in  most  cases,  be  traced  to  the 
prophet  himself.  (2)  Toward  the  close  of  the  prophet’s 
life  he  collected  the  individual  discourses  or  summaries 
and  notes  of  discourses  into  what  may  be  called  a  book  of 
Ezekiel.50  The  exact  form  of  this  first  edition  cannot 
be  determined;  probably  it  did  not  differ  materially  from 
the  book  in  its  present  form.  (3)  In  the  course  of  time 
two  or  more  recensions,  differing  in  many  details  as  the 
result  of  liberties  taken  by  readers  and  copyists,  came  into 
use.51  (4)  The  circulation  of  two  or  more  divergent 


49  For  instance,  the  elegies  in  chapter  19;  26.  17;  27.  3ff.,  32-36. 

60  The  preparation  of  such  a  collection  by  Ezekiel  himself  is  suggested 
by  the  presence  of  corrections,  and  more  or  less  extensive  revisions  of 
earlier  prophecies,  which  bear  the  impress  of  the  prophet’s  own  per¬ 
sonality.  For  instance,  12.  16  and  14.  21-23  state  and,  at  the  same  time 
justify,  exceptions  to  the  general  teaching  of  earlier  prophecies;  29. 
17-21  is  in  the  nature  of  a  revision  of  the  earlier,  unfulfilled  prophecies 
against  Tyre  recorded  in  chapter  28;  21.  28-32  is  intended  to  prevent  an 
erroneous  inference  from  verses  18-23.  These  are  by  no  means  the  only 
corrections  or  revisions  that  may  be  traced  to  Ezekiel ;  but  some  of  them 
are  so  minute  that  only  a  detailed  exegetical  study  can  lead  to  their 
discovery.  From  29.  17,  which  furnishes  the  date  of  one  of  these  cor¬ 
rections,  it  may,  perhaps,  be  safe  to  infer  that  toward  the  close  of  his 
activity  Ezekiel  reviewed  his  earlier  prophecies  with  a  view  of  bringing 
them  together  in  a  single  collection  and  that  in  reading  the  material 
written  down  earlier  he  realized  the  desirability  of  making  some  minor 
changes  and  corrections;  the  resulting  additions  and  modifications  may 
even  now  be  separated  from  the  original  utterances. 

61  The  principal  evidence  pointing  to  the  existence,  back  of  the  present 
book,  of  at  least  two  recensions  is  found  in  the  numerous  repetitions 
which  may  be  discovered  in  the  book  as  it  appears  now.  Some  of  these 
repetitions  do  not  affect  the  thought;  for  instance,  1.  1-3  reads  as  if  it 
were  a  combination  of  two  originally  distinct  headings;  3.  4-9  is  a  variant 
of  2.  1-8  and,  perhaps,  also  of  3.  10,  11;  6.  4b  of  6.  5a;  7.  3,  4  of  7.  6-9; 
13.  11,  12  of  13.  13-16;  14.  4,  5  of  14.  6-8;  17.  8,  9  of  17.  10;  17.  16-18  of 
17.  19;  18.  21-25  of  18.  26-29;  22.  19  of  22.  20,  21;  23.  25-27  of  23.  28-30; 

336 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZEKIEL 


recensions,  even  though  the  differences  may  not  have  been 
very  significant,  proved  highly  unsatisfactory;  conse¬ 
quently,  the  varying  recensions  were  brought  together, 
compared,  and  in  so  far  as  seemed  wise  and  necessary 
united  to  form  the  present  book  of  Ezekiel.52  The  date 
of  this  redact ional  activity  cannot  be  fixed ;  in  all  proba¬ 
bility  it  took  place  at  a  relatively  early  date,  for  (i)  it 
was  completed  before  the  Septuagint  translation  was 
made  in  the  closing  years  of  the  third  or  the  early  part 
of  the  second  century  b.  c. ;  (2)  it  was  made  at  a  time 
when  the  Priestly  Code  was  still  in  use  as  an  independent 
document,53  which  would  point  to  a  date  near  450  b.  c. 
The  place  may  have  been  Babylon,  where  Ezekiel  labored 
and  produced  the  first  edition  of  the  book. 

2.  Life  and  Times 

Condition  of  the  Exiles.  The  destruction  of  Jerusalem 
in  586  b.  c.  marked  the  close  of  the  national  life  of  the 
Hebrews.  Judah,  like  the  northern  kingdom,54  went  to 

25.  3-5  of  25.  6,  7;  30.  22-24a  of  30.  24L26;  35.  3L6  of  35.  7-1  r ;  36.  10  of 
36.  11,  12;  37.  12,  13a  of  37.  13b,  14.  Others  are  more  significant,  for 
they  extend  to  ideas  as  well  as  to  language;  compare,  for  instance, 
the  vision  of  the  four  living  beings  in  chapter  1  with  the  vision  in  chapter 
10;  in  8.  1-4  two  narratives  of  the  carrying  of  Ezekiel  to  Jerusalem  seem 
to  be  combined:  according  to  one,  Yahweh  seized  him,  according  to  the 
other,  the  Spirit;  8.  7  represents  the  hole  as  already  in  the  wall,  in  8.  8  the 
prophet  is  instructed  to  dig  it;  etc.  For  a  much  longer  list  see  Steuer- 
nagel,  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament ,  pp.  596,  597;  Kraetzschmar, 
Ezechiel,  p.  xiii  and  passim. 

62  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  work  was  done  under  official  auspices 
and  that  it  included  a  complete  working  over  of  the  text.  The  first 
part  of  this  suggestion  is  probably  correct;  for  the  second  part  there  is 
no  sufficient  evidence. 

68  Ezek.  43.  18-27;  45-  i-8a,  18-20,  21-25;  46.  1-12,  13-15;  47-  *3  to 
48.  35  reveal  the  influence  of  the  Priestly  Code. 

64  2  Kings  17.  7-23. 


337 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


its  doom  in  accordance  with  eternal  laws  that  operate 
in  the  lives  of  all  nations:  Religions,  social,  and  moral 
corruption  caused  national  disintegration  and  ruin.55  In 
the  case  of  Judah  selfish  and  inefficient  rulers  hastened 
the  process  by  the  pursuit  of  a  weak  and  vacillating  policy 
that  called  forth  the  destructive  wrath  of  the  Chaldeans.56 
But  there  was  a  difference  between  the  downfall  of  Israel 
and  that  of  Judah.  Those  who  were  carried  into  exile 
from  the  northern  kingdom  were  soon  swallowed  up  by 
their  neighbors,  and  never  again  played  an  important 
part  in  the  religious  history  of  the  world.57  This  was 
due  to  the  fact  that  in  Israel  religion  had  not  advanced 
beyond  the  national  stage;  so  that,  when  the  nation  was 
destroyed,  religion,  closely  bound  to  the  national  institu¬ 
tions,  could  not  maintain  itself,  except,  perhaps,  in  the 
lives  of  a  few  individuals,  who  were  not  numerous 
enough  to  save  it.  In  Judah  the  situation  was  different. 
Jeremiah,  even  before  the  dissolution  of  the  national  life, 
denationalized,  individualized,  and  spiritualized  reli¬ 
gion,58  and  many  came  to  see  that  they  might  continue 
as  worshipers  of  Yahweh  no  matter  what  became  of  the 
external  religious  institutions.59  These  faithful  ones 
were  not  found  in  any  considerable  numbers  among 


55  For  a  description  of  the  conditions  in  Judah  during  the  decades 
preceding  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  see  vol.  I,  pp.  302-305. 

56  See  vol.  I,  pp.  299,  300. 

57  The  people  who  remained  behind  did  not  retain  a  pure  Yahweh 
religion  (2  Kings  17.  24-41);  their  descendants  appear  in  later  history  as 
the  Samaritans. 

68  See  vol.  I,  pp.  313,  314. 

69  Undoubtedly,  when  the  final  crisis  came,  many  failed  to  endure  and 
went  the  way  of  their  brothers  in  the  north;  nevertheless,  a  sufficient 
number  of  Jews  made  the  religion  of  Jeremiah  their  own,  which  m^de 
possible  the  survival  of  Yahweh  religion. 

338 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZEKIEL 


those  who  were  left  behind  in  Judah,60  nor  among  the 
fugitives  who  fled  to  Egypt,61  but  they  were  well  repre¬ 
sented  in  the  groups  of  Jewish  captives  that  were  carried 
to  Babylonia  by  Nebuchadrezzar  in  597  and  586  b.  c. 
Upon  these  exiles  depended  the  future  of  the  Jewish 
race  and  of  the  Jewish  religion. 

The  condition  of  the  exiles  in  Babylonia  was  fairly 
comfortable.  They  appear  to  have  been  free  in  all  re¬ 
spects  except  choice  of  residence.  Sections  of  land  were 
assigned  to  them,  where  they  had  the  opportunity  to 
acquire  property  and  even  to  amass  wealth.  Many 
heeded  the  advice  of  Jeremiah,62  identified  themselves 
with  the  interests  of  their  masters,  and  lived  settled  lives 
in  peaceful  industry  and  family  happiness.  The  Jews 
were  granted  permission  to  form  settlements  under  their 
own  elders,  who  organized  the  new  communities  after 
the  pattern  of  Palestinian  towns.  Religious  as  well  as 
civil  liberty  was  granted,  so  that  in  its  general  aspects 
life  in  Babylonia  may  have  differed  but  little  from  that 
in  the  small  towns  of  Judah  before  the  fall  of  the  state. 

The  exiles  were  by  no  means  all  faithful  and  ardent 
worshipers  of  Yahweh;  indeed,  religious  and  moral  con¬ 
ditions  may  have  continued  for  some  time  as  they  were 
before  the  exile.  True,  both  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  con¬ 
sider  the  exiles  better  than  the  Jews  left  behind,  and 
they  see  in  the  former  the  nucleus  of  the  Messianic  king- 

60  This  does  not  mean  that  the  new  emphasis  in  religion  failed  entirely 
in  Judah;  no  doubt  there  were  many  who  remained  loyal;  and  while  it  is 
too  much  to  credit  them  exclusively  with  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple 
(F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Psalms  and  Other  Sacred  Writings,  pp.  304-308),  no 
doubt  these  faithful  Yahweh  worshipers  were  enthusiastic  participants 
in  the  enterprise. 

61  See  vol.  I,  p.  300. 

62  Jer.  29.  5-7. 


339 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


dom;  nevertheless,  the  conditions  which  confronted 
Jeremiah  in  Jerusalem  were  essentially  the  same  as  those 
which  troubled  Ezekiel  in  exile.  Many  of  the  captives 
conformed  to  Babylonian  customs  and  forgot  Jerusalem. 
Idolatry  and  superstition  were  widespread;  while  some 
seemed  to  think  that  idolatry  was  perfectly  compatible 
with  a  nominal  allegiance  to  Yahweh.63  During  the 
years  preceding  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  false  prophets  had 
appeared  among  the  exiles  prophesying  “smooth  things” 
and  promising  a  speedy  restoration,64  and  had  succeeded 
in  persuading  many  to  oppose  the  earnest  and  severe 
message  of  Ezekiel.65  The  sense  of  personal  respon¬ 
sibility,  which  Jeremiah  had  sought  to  create,  was  but 
slightly  felt  by  the  great  majority  in  exile.  Many  were 
the  complaints  that  they  had  to  bear  the  sins  of  their 
ancestors.66  And  yet,  there  were  in  exile  many  men  of 
piety  and  zeal,  who  retained  their  faith  in  Yahweh;  yea, 
whose  faith  was  purified  and  intensified  by  the  experi¬ 
ences  of  the  exile.67  They  were  ready  to  follow  any 
great  personality  who  might  attempt  to  lead  them  to 
higher  and  diviner  things.  Among  these  choice  spirits 
Ezekiel  found  a  congenial  sphere  of  activity.  Earlier 
prophets  had  foretold  the  captivity,  which  had  now  be¬ 
come  a  reality.  They  had  also  foretold  the  salvation  and 
restoration  of  a  remnant;  and  it  was  this  prediction  that 
now  sustained  the  pious  exiles,  whose  faith  in  Yah¬ 
weh  and  in  his  prophets  had  been  strengthened  by  the 
fulfillment  of  the  first  part  of  their  message.  Ezekiel’s 


63  Ezek.  14.  iff.;  20.  iff. 

84  Jer.  29.  8ff. 

“  Ezek.  2.  3ff.;  3.  4ff. 

68  Ezek.  18.  2,  25;  33.  10,  1 7,  20;  37.  11. 

67  This  attitude  finds  expression  in  Psa.  137. 

340 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZEKIEL 


glowing  words  kept  alive  this  hope,  and  at  the  same 
time  urged  the  people  into  a  more  vital  relation  with 
their  God,  such  as  Jeremiah  had  emphasized,  and  as 
individuals  here  and  there  had  enjoyed  even  before  the 
exile.  Self-examination  and  contrition  for  the  past 
helped  the  exiles  to  realize  with  ever-increasing  clearness 
and  force  that  true  religion  did  not  depend  upon  the 
existence  of  the  state,  or  the  sacred  city,  or  even  the 
Temple,  but  upon  the  relation  of  the  individual  to  his 
God.  For  the  history  of  Judaism  and  of  religion  in 
general  the  Babylonian  exile  was  of  the  greatest  signifi¬ 
cance. 

Personal  Life  of  Ezekiel.  Ezekiel,  the  son  of  Buzi,68 
was  a  priest.69  As  such  he  belonged  to  the  aristocracy  of 
Jerusalem,  that  was  carried  into  exile  in  597  b.  c.70 
Little  or  nothing  is  known  of  his  earlier  life.  His 
familiarity  with  the  priestly  ritual  may  suggest  that  he 
was  old  enough  when  he  left  Jerusalem  to  have  officiated 
for  some  time  in  the  national  sanctuary.71  The  au¬ 
thority  with  which  he  speaks  and  the  deference  shown 
him  by  his  fellow  exiles  suggest  that  he  was  no  longer 
in  his  first  youth  when  he  assumed  the  prophetic  office. 
He  may  well  have  been  acquainted  with  Jeremiah; 
indeed,  the  numerous  points  of  contact72  between  the 

68  Nothing  is  known  of  Buzi  or  his  family. 

•9  Ezek.  1.  3. 

70  2  Kings  24.  14-16. 

71  If  “thirty"  in  1.  1  refers  to  the  age  of  the  prophet,  as  suggested  by 
Kraetzschmar  and  Budde,  the  above  inference  is  not  warranted,  but  it 
is  by  no  means  certain  that  the  reference  is  to  the  thirtieth  year  of 
Ezekiel.  It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  thus  far  no  satisfactory 
explanation  of  the  number  has  been  found. 

78  Compare,  for  instance,  Ezek.  3.  8,  9  with  Jer.  1.  8,  17,  18;  15.  20; 
Ezek.  3.  14  with  Jer.  6.  11;  15.  17;  Ezek.  3.  26;  24.  15-27  with  Jer.  16. 
5ff.;  Ezek.  2.  3,  5;  chapters  16  and  20  with  Jer.  7.  25;  Ezek.  16.  47,  51; 

341 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


two  prophets  would  seem  to  indicate  that  he  was  a 
disciple  of  the  older  man,  or  at  least  that  the  latter’s 
teaching  had  made  a  profound  impression  on  him.  “In  his 
character  and  work  these  two  currents  of  influence — the 
priestly  and  prophetical — constantly  appear  and  their 
harmonious  blending  is  one  of  the  great  sources  of  his 
power.”  He  at  least  knew  of  the  reform  administration 
of  Josiah,  and  he  lived  through  the  reactionary  reign 
of  Jehoiakim.  When  he  entered  the  prophetic  office 
conditions  among  his  fellow  exiles  must  have  been  bad ; 
at  any  rate,  he  calls  his  countrymen — whether  in  Jeru¬ 
salem  or  in  Babylonia — “rebellious,  .  .  .  impudent, 

.  .  .  stiff-hearted,  .  .  .  briers,  .  .  .  thorns, 

.  .  .  scorpions.”73 

In  Babylonia  he  was  settled  in  a  community  of  exiles 
at  Tel-Abib  by  the  river  Chebar.74  There  he  lived,  with 
his  wife,75  in  his  own  house,76  where  in  later  years  the 
elders  came  to  consult  him.77  The  prophetic  call  came 
to  him  in  the  fifth  year  of  his  exile.78  Ezekiel’s  own 
account  of  the  spiritual  crisis  which  constituted  this 
call79  reveals  the  two- fold  dynamic  which  prompted  him 
throughout  his  entire  ministry:  (i)  the  vision  of  the 
majesty,  glory,  and  holiness  of  Yahweh;  (2)  the  realiza- 

23.  11  with  Jer.  3.  11;  16.  12;  Ezek.  5.  6;  16.  38  with  Jer.  2.  11.  Ezek. 
22.  30  with  Jer.  5.  1 ;  etc.  See  further,  H.  A.  Redpath,  Ezekiel ,  pp.  xxiv, 

XXV. 

73  Chapters  2  and  3. 

74  Ezek.  3.  15.  Perhaps,  better,  Tel-Abub;  the  former  is  thought  to 
mean  “hill  of  an  ear  of  corn,”  the  latter  means,  “hill  produced  by  the 
action  of  storms.” 

76  Ezek.  24.  18. 

78  3-  24. 

77  8.  I. 

78  1.  2;  see  note  14,  above,  p.  325. 

79  1.  4ff. 


342 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZEKIEL 


tion  of  the  startling  contrast  between  the  character  of  his 
countrymen  and  the  divine  ideal  for  them.  Henceforth, 
his  sole  ambition  was  to  persuade  the  house  of  Israel  to 
realize  this  divine  ideal. 

During  the  years  between  his  call  and  586  b.  c.,  when 
Jerusalem  fell,  Ezekiel  devoted  himself  almost  exclu¬ 
sively  to  combating  the  false  hopes  of  a  speedy  restora¬ 
tion  entertained  by  many  both  in  Jerusalem  and  in  exile. 
His  message  during  this  period,  which  was  largely  one 
of  denunciation  and  threat,  was  received  no  more  kindly 
than  was  that  of  Jeremiah.80  Toward  the  close  of  this 
period,  near  the  beginning  of  the  last  siege  of  Jeru¬ 
salem,  the  prophet’s  wife  died;81  which  bereavement 
marked  the  close  of  Ezekiel’s  earlier  ministry.  While 
the  siege  was  in  progress  he  refrained  from  speaking,82 
but  he  spoke  again  when  the  news  of  the  fall  of  the  city 
reached  him.83  When  his  predictions  of  the  fall  of  Jeru¬ 
salem  were  fulfilled  in  586  b.  c.  a  change  came  over  the 
people;  henceforth  they  regarded  him  with  much  greater 
respect  and  confidence.  His  message  also  assumed  a 
different  aspect,  for  he  now  dwelt  more  and  more  on  the 
coming  restoration.  According  to  the  dates  given  in 
the  book,  this  period  of  activity  was  short,  and  was 
succeeded  by  many  years  of  silence.84  As  time  went  on 
his  conviction  of  an  early  restoration  became  ever  more 
firmly  fixed,  and  finally  he  formulated  a  complete,  de¬ 
tailed  scheme  for  the  establishment  of  an  ecclesiastical 

80  3.  25;  see  vol.  I,  pp.  305,  306. 

81  24.  16-18. 

82  24.  27. 

83  33.  22.  During  the  period  of  silence  he  is  said  to  have  written 
prophecies  concerning  Egypt;  29.  1;  30.  20;  31.  1. 

84  No  date  is  given  between  the  twelfth  and  the  twenty-fifth  year;  see 
32.  17  and  40.  1. 


343 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


community  upon  Palestinian  soil,  in  which  the  will  of 
Yahweh  would  be  recognized  as  supreme  law.85 

Ezekiel's  Methods  of  Teaching  and  Work.  Changes 
in  environment  compelled  Ezekiel  to  find  new  methods 
of  carrying  out  the  prophetic  commission.  Even  during 
the  years  preceding  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  he  could  not 
address  himself  to  the  nation  in  the  way  in  which  his 
predecessors  had  done,  for  he  and  his  listeners  were  re¬ 
moved  from  the  old  center  of  the  national  and  religious 
life.  Inevitably  the  individual  assumed  an  importance 
undreamed  of  before.  Hitherto  public  discourse  had 
been  the  principal  means  of  prophetic  instruction ; 
Ezekiel  continued  to  use  it  to  some  extent;  but  in  exile 
it  was  impossible  to  collect  the  crowds  which  could 
easily  be  gathered  in  the  capital  city  Jerusalem.  Ezekiel’s 
dealings  were  with  individuals  and  small  groups  ;  he  be¬ 
came  preeminently  a  pastor,  giving  a  shepherd’s  care  to 
those  who  came  under  his  immediate  charge.  He  fre¬ 
quently  designates  himself  a  watchman,  appointed  by 
God  to  give  warning  to  the  house  of  Israel.86  His  fellow 
exiles  seem  to  have  recognized  this  pastoral  relationship, 
for  they  freely  came  to  consult  him,  either  in  person  or 
through  their  elders.87 

The  variety  of  methods  employed  by  Ezekiel  for  the 
purpose  of  impressing  his  message  upon  his  countrymen 
is  remarkable.  Sometimes  he  adopted  the  method  of 
public  address.88  Frequently  deputations  of  Jews  came 
to  his  house  and  sat  before  him;89  which  may  imply  that 

85  Chapters  40  to  48. 

86  For  instance,  3.  17;  33.  1-9. 

87  14.  1 ;  33.  30. 

88  6.  11,  “Smite  with  thy  hand,  and  stamp  with  thy  foot,”  may  refer 
to  gestures  as  means  of  making  the  message  more  impressive. 

89  14.  1. 


344 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZEKIEL 


the  interviews  and  discussions  continued  for  some  time. 
At  other  times  he  may  have  put  his  message  in  the  form 
of  pastoral  letters.90  The  prophet  shows  great  fondness 
for  parables  and  allegories  as  means  of  instruction;  and 
the  book  abounds  in  references  to  visions  and  symbolical 
actions.  There  seems  insufficient  reason  for  question¬ 
ing  the  reality  of  all  the  visions  recorded.91  The  prophet 
evidently  was  of  a  highly  emotional  and  imaginative 
temperament,  which  may  have  made  him  exceptionally 
susceptible  to  vision  or  trance  experiences.92  Certainly, 
when  he  put  the  account  of  these  experiences  in  writing 
he  may  have  elaborated  them ;  and  it  is  by  no  means  im¬ 
probable  that  in  some  instances  he  used  the  vision  simply 
as  a  literary  device  for  the  purpose  of  making  his  mes¬ 
sage  more  vivid.  Similarly,  some  of  the  symbolical  acts 
recorded  were  undoubtedly  performed  by  the  prophet; 
on  the  other  hand,  there  are  some  references  to  sym¬ 
bolical  actions  that  are  more  naturally  explained  in  har¬ 
mony  with  the  suggestion  of  A.  B.  Davidson:  “They 
were  imagined  merely.  They  passed  through  the  proph¬ 
et’s  mind.  He  lived  in  this  ideal  sphere ;  he  went  through 
the  actions  in  his  fantasy,  and  they  appeared  to  him  to 
carry  the  same  effects  as  if  they  had  been  performed.”93 


90  This  would  explain  the  formal  character  of  some  of  Ezekiel’s 
prophecies;  indeed,  all  of  Ezekiel’s  prophecies  “bear  evidence  of  long 
meditation  and  careful  elaboration.  ...  He  dwells  upon  his  subject, 
and  expands  and  develops  his  thought,  in  contrast  to  the  terse,  sharp 
utterances  of  the  older  prophets.  Not  content  with  an  outline,  he  fills 
in  the  details  of  the  picture,  sometimes  to  the  detriment  of  its  distinct¬ 
ness.” 

91  A  view  commonly  held  by  earlier  scholars;  for  instance,  Keil, 
Hengstenberg,  Haevemick,  Bleek,  Hitzig,  Smend,  Kuenen,  Toy,  etc. 

92  It  has  been  suggested  that  he  was  subject  to  epileptic  fits. 

93  Ezekiel ,  p.  xxx. 


345 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


3.  Teaching  and  Significance 

The  activity  and  teaching  of  Ezekiel  were  of  tremen¬ 
dous  importance  to  his  own  day  and  generation,  and  their 
influence  continued  to  be  felt  throughout  many  succeed¬ 
ing  generations  of  Jewish  history.  “If  the  remnant  of 
Israel  was  not  lost  among  the  nations  after  the  destruc¬ 
tive  catastrophe  of  587-586,  but  found  the  way  in  which 
its  future  lay,  this  is  really  due  to  the  service  rendered 
by  Ezekiel.  In  a  wonderful  manner  he  suited  his  activity 
to  the  changed  conditions/’94  The  more  important  ele¬ 
ments  in  his  teaching  are: 

Denunciation  of  Sin  and  Announcement  of  Doom.  ( 1 ) 

From  the  time  of  his  call  to  the  destruction  of  Jeru¬ 
salem  he  devoted  his  energies  almost  exclusively  to  the 
denunciation  of  Judah’s  sins  and  the  announcement  of 
impending  ruin.95  His  task  was  made  more  difficult  by 
certain  prophets  who  promised  speedy  deliverance  from 
the  Chaldeans.  (2)  In  his  view  of  the  origin  of  the 
nation’s  sinfulness  Ezekiel  differs  from  the  earlier 
prophets.  Hosea,  Isaiah,  and  Jeremiah  taught  that  Israel 
was  pure  in  the  beginning  and  did  not  apostatize  from 
Yahweh  until  after  the  exodus  from  Egypt.  Ezekiel, 
on  the  other  hand,  traces  the  rebellion  of  Israel  back  to 
Egypt.96  Even  then  the  people  deserved  the  divine 
wrath,  and  Yahweh  brought  them  out  of  bondage  only 
in  order  that  his  name  might  not  be  profaned  among 
the  nations.97 

Promises  of  Restoration.  Ezekiel  was  not  exclusively 
a  messenger  of  doom.  Denunciation  might  lead  the 

94  Kraetzschmar,  Ezechiel ,  p.  vii. 

96  Chapters  1  to  24. 

96  20.  8;  23.  3. 

97  20.  9. 


346 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZEKIEL 


people  to  see  their  own  wretchedness  and  fill  them  with 
remorse  for  wrongdoing,  but  that  in  itself  would  not  pro¬ 
duce  a  change  of  life  and  character.  When  the  prophet 
discovered  that  the  people’s  conscience  had  been  touched98 
and  that  they  were  ready  for  a  message  of  hope  and  en¬ 
couragement,  he  sought  to  sustain  the  despairing  exiles 
with  the  promise  of  the  ultimate  restoration  of  the  divine 
favor  to  all  who  would  truly  seek  Yahweh.  Even  in 
the  first  division  of  the  book,  which  embodies  the  de¬ 
nunciations  uttered  during  the  years  preceding  the  fall 
of  Jerusalem,  a  few  bright  promises  may  be  found;99 
but  it  is  especially  in  the  utterances  originating  after  586 
b.  c.  that  Ezekiel  gives  expression  to  his  sublime  hopes 
for  the  future. 

The  following  elements  enter  into  the  prophet’s  vision 
of  the  restoration:  (1)  Ezekiel,  like  Hosea,  was  firmly 
convinced  that  heartfelt  repentance  was  a  fundamental 
condition  of  the  restoration  of  the  divine  favor.100  (2) 
The  restoration  will  be  preceded  by  the  destruction  of 
the  foreign  nations.101  (3)  The  land  of  Israel,  now  in 
the  possession  of  foreigners,102  will  be  prepared  for  the 
reception  of  the  exiles,  on  the  one  hand,  by  the  expulsion 

98  33-  10;  37*  11. 

99  11.  i6ff.;  16.  6off.;  17.  22-24;  20.  40ft.;  etc. 

100  18.  30-32. 

101  Chapters  25  to  32,  38,  39.  See  also  above,  pp.  320,  321.  “These 
judgments,"  says  Davidson,  “will  awaken  the  nations  to  the  knowledge 
who  the  God  of  Israel  is — they  shall  know  that  he  is  Jehovah;  and  they 
will  insure  that  in  the  future  his  people  shall  not  be  troubled  or 
led  astray"  {Ezekiel,  p.  195).  Similarly  Skinner:  “The  motive  of  the 
judgments  announced  is  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  restoration  of  Israel, 
by  removing  the  evil  influences  which  had  sprung  from  the  people’s 
contact  with  its  heathen  neighbors  in  the  past  (28.  24-26;  29.  16)" 
(Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible ,  article  “Ezekiel"). 

102  36.  2. 


347 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS'  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


of  the  present  occupants,103  on  the  other,  by  its  endow- 
ment  with  extraordinary  fertility.104  (4)  The  exiles 
will  be  prepared  for  the  return  to  the  promised  land  by 
a  moral  and  spiritual  regeneration.105  (5)  The  prep¬ 
aration  completed,  the  exiles  will  be  restored  to  the 
promised  land,  there  to  live  forever  in  prosperity  and  in 
the  fear  of  Yahweh.106  Then  the  mountains  of  Israel 
will  swarm  with  people,  the  cities  will  be  inhabited,  and 
the  waste  places  will  be  rebuilt.107  The  northern  king¬ 
dom  will  share  in  the  blessings  of  restoration,  and  north 
and  south  will  be  reunited.108  (6)  In  the  new  era  Israel 
will  no  more  suffer,  as  in  the  past,  from  faithless 
rulers,109  for  Yahweh  himself  will  be  the  shepherd  of  his 
flock;110  as  his  earthly  representative  he  will  appoint  a 
descendant  of  David  to  rule  over  the  united  Israel  and 
Judah.* * 111  (7)  The  regenerated  and  restored  nation  will 
live  in  close  fellowship  with  Yahweh  forever.  The  sins 
of  Jerusalem  compelled  him  to  leave  the  Temple  and  the 
city  and  give  them  up  to  destruction;112  in  the  age  of 
restoration  the  sanctuary  will  be  rebuilt,  Yahweh  will 
reenter  it  and  establish  an  eternal  covenant  of  peace  with 
his  people.113  (8)  Ezekiel  was  not  content  with  pre¬ 
dicting  the  restoration  and  the  changes  accompanying  it ; 

103  36.  3*7- 

104  36.  8,  9,  29,  30,  34,  35. 

106  36.  25-27. 

,  106  In  37.  1-14  the  restoration  is  likened  to  a  resurrection  from  the 

dead;  compare  also  36.  8ff. 

107  36.  10. 

108  37-  I5ff- 

109  34.  16. 

110  34.  11-22. 

111  34.  23,24;37.  22ff. 

112  Chapters  10,  11. 

113  37.  26,  27;  compare  43.  1-12. 

348 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZEKIEL 


he  put  his  convictions  and  ideals  into  concrete  form  in 
chapters  40  to  48.  After  all,  the  efforts  of  the  earlier 
prophets  had  failed  to  bring  about  the  moral  and  spiritual 
transformation  upon  which  they  insisted.  Ezekiel  saw 
the  cause  of  the  failure  in  the  inability  of  the  people  to 
grasp  the  teaching  of  the  prophets  and  apply  it  to  the 
daily  life.  He  sought  to  obviate  this  difficulty  and  to 
secure  purity  and  righteousness  in  the  life  of  the  indi¬ 
vidual  and  the  community  by  mapping  out  a  scheme  for 
the  establishment  of  an  absolute  theocracy  in  the 
promised  land.  “The  unique  significance  of  that  re¬ 
markable  creation  lies  in  the  fact  that  under  the  form  of 
a  Messianic  prophecy  it  presents  the  scheme  of  a  poli¬ 
tico-religious  constitution,  in  which  the  fundamental 
idea  of  holiness  is  applied  to  the  regulation  of  every  part 
of  the  national  life.  It  is  a  picture  of  the  kingdom  of 
God  in  its  final  and  perfect  state  as  this  prophet  was  led 
to  conceive  it.”114  The  underlying  idea  was  the  holiness 
of  Yahweh  and  the  conviction  that  only  as  this  holiness 
was  reflected  in  the  life  of  the  people  did  real  and 
permanent  fellowship  between  Yahweh  and  Israel  become 
possible. 

Fundamental  Ideas  underlying  Ezekiel’s  Teaching. 

Many  of  the  truths  taught  by  Ezekiel  are  identical  with 
those  proclaimed  by  earlier  prophets,  but  there  are  other 
truths,  or  some  aspects  of  truth,  that  are  peculiar  to  him 
or  receive  special  emphasis  from  him:  (1)  Fundamental 
in  Ezekiel’s  thought  of  Yahweh  is  what  he  calls  “the 
glory”  of  Yahweh.  The  idea  expressed  in  this  phrase  is 
similar  to  that  suggested  by  the  song  of  the  Seraphim  in 
Isaiah’s  inaugural  vision,115  “The  whole  earth  is  full  of 

114  J.  Skinner,  in  Hastings’  Dictionary  of  the  Bible ,  article  “Ezekiel.” 

116  Isa.  6.  3. 


349 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


his  glory”;  that  is,  evidences  of  the  glorious  manifesta¬ 
tions  of  Yahweh  in  nature  and  history  may  be  seen  on 
every  hand.116  In  other  words,  throughout  the  prophecy 
the  phrase  suggests  the  glorious  majesty  and  power,  the 
universal  supremacy,  of  the  God  of  Israel,  which  he 
desires  to  manifest  continually  in  his  dealings  with  men.117 
(2)  Similar  in  meaning  is  the  phrase  “the  name  of  Yah¬ 
weh.”  The  glory  of  Yahweh  denotes  the  glorious  mani¬ 
festations  of  Yahweh,  especially  in  history;  the  name 
of  Yahweh  is  the  side  of  his  nature  and  character  that 
can  be  revealed  to  man,  or  the  sum  of  his  attributes  as  he 
has  revealed  them.  According  to  Ezekiel,  all  the  deal¬ 
ings  of  Yahweh  with  Israel  are  for  his  name’s  sake;  that 
is,  for  the  purpose  of  revealing  his  true  nature  and  char¬ 
acter.118  (3)  In  several  passages  Ezekiel  states  that  by 
a  certain  act  Yahweh  will  “sanctify  himself”  or  “show 
himself  holy.”  With  Ezekiel,  as  with  Isaiah,119  the 
holiness  of  Yahweh  denotes,  not  so  much  a  particular 
attribute,  as  his  whole  essential  Godhead,  though  the 

116  The  glory  of  Yahweh  is  described  especially  in,  the  visions  recorded 
in  chapters  1,  10,  43. 

117  The  divine  glory  was  so  overpowering  that  at  the  sight  of  it  the 
prophet  fell  upon  his  face  (1.  28;  3.  23),  and  this  he  considers  the  proper 
attitude  in  the  presence  of  Yahweh. 

118  The  Israelites  rebelled  against  Yahweh  in  Egypt;  nevertheless,  for 
his  name’s  sake,  he  brought  them  out  of  the  land  of  bondage  (20.  8,  9; 
compare  verses  14,  22).  Had  he  left  them  to  destruction,  his  name 
would  have  been  profaned  among  the  nations;  for  to  them  any  disaster 
that  befell  his  people  would  have  been  an  indication  of  his  weakness  and 
inability  to  protect  them,  and  this  misconception  might  have  led  them 
to  mock  him.  To  prevent  this,  he  delivered  Israel,  though  the  people 
deserved  otherwise.  In  the  same  way  the  restoration  in  the  future  will 
not  be  due  to  any  merit  on  the  part  of  the  exiles,  but  again  to  the  desire 
of  Yahweh  to  make  himself  known  in  his  true  nature  and  character  to 
Israel  and  to  the  nations  (36.  22,  23). 

118  See  vol.  I,  p.  200. 


350 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZEKIEL 


prophet  never  loses  sight  of  the  moral  aspect  of  the  divine 
holiness.  “Holy  as  applied  to  Yahweh  is  an  expression 
that  in  some  way  describes  him  as  God,  either  generally 
or  on  any  particular  side  of  his  nature,  the  manifesta¬ 
tion  or  thought  of  which  impresses  men  with  the  sense 
of  his  Godhead.”120  Consequently,  the  statement  that 
Yahweh  will  sanctify  himself  or  show  himself  holy 
means  that  he  will  show  himself  to  be  the  true  God.  The 
actions  of  his  people  and  his  dealings  with  them  in  the 
past  may  have  left  some  doubts  on  this  point  in  the 
minds  of  outside  nations,  but  his  future  treatment  of 
Israel  and  of  the  nations  will  open  the  eyes  of  the  latter 
and  convince  them  that  he  alone  is  God.121  (4)  Ezekiel 

emphasizes  and  expands  Jeremiah’s  doctrine  of  moral 
freedom  and  individual  responsibility.  There  were,  as 
in  the  days  of  Jeremiah,  those  who  complained  that  they 
were  suffering  for  the  sins  of  their  fathers.122.  This  is 
not  true,  says  Ezekiel.123  The  prophet  makes  it  equally 
clear  that  a  person  does  not  lie  under  the  ban  of  his  own 
previous  life.124  (5)  Perhaps  in  nothing  is  the  con¬ 
trast  between  Ezekiel  and  the  earlier  prophets  more 
clearly  marked  than  in  his  attitude  toward  the  forms  and 
institutions  of  religion.  The  earlier  prophets  insist  that 
forms  and  institutions  are  not  essential  elements  of  Yah¬ 
weh  religion;125  Ezekiel,  on  the  other  hand,  gives  much 

120  Compare  A.  B.  Davidson,  Ezekiel,  pp.  xli-xliii. 

121  20.  41;  28.  22,  25;  36.  23;  38.  16,  23. 

122  18.  2,  19. 

“a  18.  20. 

124  18.  21-32.  The  doctrine  of  freedom  and  responsibility  taught  by 
Ezekiel  was  so  artificial  and  mechanical  that  later  generations  were 
seriously  disturbed  by  it. 

126  Amos  5.  21-25;  Hos.  6.  6;  Isa.  1.  11-15;  Mic.  6.  6-8;  Jer.  3.  16,  17; 

7.  21,  22. 


351 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


attention  to  the  ecclesiastical  organization  of  the  post- 
exilic  community,  and  in  the  constitution  provided  by 
him  much  stress  is  laid  upon  many  things  which  earlier 
prophets  considered  of  little  or  no  consequence.  This 
emphasis  on  externals  of  religion  is  responsible  for  the 
charge  that  Ezekiel  “transformed  the  ideals  of  the  proph¬ 
ets  into  laws  and  dogmas,  and  destroyed  spiritually  free 
and  moral  religion.”126  This  sweeping  charge  is  not 
warranted.  In  the  first  place,  Ezekiel  had  good  reason 
for  believing  that  his  age  needed  the  expression  of  reli¬ 
gious  ideals  in  concrete,  external  forms.  The  great  mass 
of  people  needed  the  Temple,  the  sacrificial  system,  and 
other  institutions  as  means  of  communion  with  God;  it 
is,  indeed,  exceedingly  doubtful  that  the  religion  of  Yah- 
weh  could  have  survived  without  them.127  In  the  second 
place,  the  ritual  does  by  no  means  exhaust  the  religious 
interests  of  the  prophet.  Again  and  again  he  insists  that 
a  pure  and  righteous  life  constitutes  an  essential  part  of 
true  religion.128  Besides,  the  provisions  in  chapters  40 
to  48  are  intended  for  a  regenerated  people;  they  are 
meant  to  aid  a  regenerated  community  to  give  proper  ex¬ 
pression  to  its  devotion  to  Yahweh.  Consequently,  “in 
interpreting  the  mind  of  the  man  who  sketched  this 
priestly  legislation  it  is  unfair  to  ignore  those  profound 
and  noble  utterances  touching  the  necessity  of  the  new 
heart129  and  the  new  spirit,130  utterances  which  have  the 
ring  of  some  of  the  greatest  words  of  Jeremiah.” 

126  B.  Duhm,  Theologie  der  Propheten,  p.  263.  ^ 

127  That  later  generations  exaggerated  the  importance  of  externals 
until  finally  the  spirit  was  almost  entirely  lost  sight  of  was  not  the  fault 
of  Ezekiel. 

128  Chapters  3,  18,  33. 

129  18.  31;  36.  26. 

1,0  11.  19. 


352 


CHAPTER  VIII 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 

The  fourth  division  of  the  second  volume  of  the 
prophets  is  known  as  The  Twelve;  that  is,  a  collection 
of  twelve  writings  bearing  twelve  different  names.  The 
twelve  books  are  commonly  referred  to  as  the  Minor 
Prophets ,  in  distinction  from  the  five  preceding  books, 
known  as  the  Major  Prophets.1  The  fact  that  the  ma¬ 
terial  is  distributed  among  twelve  men  whose  names 
are  given  does  not  exclude  the  possibility  of  anonymous 
utterances  having  been  included.2 

The  date  when  the  collection  of  Minor  Prophets  was 
formed  cannot  be  determined.  The  entire  prophetic 
canon  was  in  existence  not  far  from  200  b.  c.,3  which 
means,  that  the  book  of  the  Twelve  was  collected  at  a 
still  earlier  date ;  though,  perhaps,  not  much  earlier,  since 
the  book  of  Jonah,  which  formed  a  part  of  the  collection 
from  the  beginning,  was  written  in  the  third  century  b.  c.4 
In  arranging  the  books  the  collectors  followed,  in  gen¬ 
eral,  what  they  conceived  to  be  the  chronological  order.5 
Hosea,  Amos,  Micah  were  active  in  the  eighth  century; 
Jonah,  the  alleged  author  of  the  book  bearing  that  name, 
was  identified  with  the  prophet  Jonah  mentioned  in  2 
Kings  15.  24  as  the  contemporary  of  Jeroboam  II,  king 

1  See  vol.  I,  p.  107. 

J  See  below,  especially  p.  581,  and  pp.  591,  592. 

*  See  vol.  I,  p.  hi. 

4  See  below,  p.  467. 

‘  In  the  Septuagint  the  order  of  the  first  six  books  is:  Hosea,  Amos, 
Micah,  Joel,  Obadiah,  Jonah;  the  order  of  the  remaining  books  is  the 
same  as  in  Hebrew. 


353 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


of  Israel  in  the  eighth  century  b.  c.  ;  Obadiah  may  have 
been  placed  between  Amos  and  Jonah  because  the  col¬ 
lectors  regarded  the  little  book  an  expansion  of  the  brief 
threat  against  Edom  in  Amos  9.  12,  and  because  they 
saw  in  Jonah  an  illustration  of  Obad.  1,  “an  ambassador 
is  sent  among  the  nations,”  Why  Joel  was  connected 
with  the  books  named  is  less  clear;  but  evidently  it  too 
was  accepted  as  an  early  production.6  The  first  six  books 
in  the  collection,  therefore,  seem  to  have  been  assigned 
to  the  eighth  century  b.  c.,  one  or  two  of  them  perhaps 
even  to  an  earlier  date;  the  next  three,  Nahum,  Habak- 
kuk,  Zephaniah,  to  the  seventh  century;  Haggai  and 
Zechariah  to  the  sixth  century,  and  Malachi  to  the  fifth 
century. 

Internal  evidence  shows  that  the  dates  assigned  to  the 
several  books  by  the  collectors  cannot  in  all  cases  be  ac¬ 
cepted.  As  will  be  pointed  out  in  the  detailed  discussion 
of  the  separate  books,  the  chronological  order  of  the 
so-called  Minor  Prophets  is  as  follows :  Amos,  Hosea, 
Micah,  Zephaniah,  Nahum,  Habakkuk,  Haggai,  Zechariah 
— chapters  1  to  8 — Malachi,  Obadiah,  Joel,  Zechariah — 
chapters  9  to  14 — Jonah.7 

1.  The  Book  of  Hosea 

Name.  The  author  is  called  “Hosea,  the  son  of 
Beeri.”8  The  Hebrew  name  Hoshea ,9  means 

“salvation”;  it  is  identical  with  one  form  of  the  name 

8  Joel  has  been  considered  one  of  the  earliest  books  even  by  some 
modem  scholars.  A.  F.  Kirkpatrick,  for  instance,  dates  both  Obadiah 
and  Joel  earlier  than  Amos  and  Hosea  {Doctrine  of  the  Prophets ,  Lectures 
II,  III). 

7  The  order  followed  in  the  present  volume  is  that  of  the  Hebrew  Bible. 

8  1.  1. 

9  The  Septuagint  form  is  ’OoV,  Oseet  Vulgate,  Osee. 

354 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


of  the  successor  of  Moses10  and  with  that  of  the  last  king 
of  Israel.* 11 

Contents  and  Outline.  The  book  of  Hosea  falls 
naturally  into  two  divisions,  chapters  i  to  3  and  chap¬ 
ters  4  to  14.  The  first  division  sets  forth  the  prophet’s 
marriage  and  expounds  the  “moral  of  the  story” — Yah- 
weh’s  love  and  Israel’s  faithlessness.12  The  second  divi¬ 
sion  differs  widely  from  the  first  and  has  sometimes  been 
called  the  Second  Book  of  Hosea,  It  is  not  possible  to 
trace  in  this  second  division  a  definite  plan  or  arrange¬ 
ment,  though  fresh  beginnings  may  be  noted  in  4.  1 ;  5. 
1 ;  9.  1;  11.  12;  13.  1;  14.  1.  Various  attempts  have 
been  made  to  subdivide  the  chapters  according  to  the 
ideas  emphasized  in  the  separate  sections;13  but  none  of 
these  can  be  called  entirely  successful.  The  prophet, 
from  beginning  to  end,  has  in  mind  the  hopeless  con¬ 
dition  of  his  people;  he  exhorts,  laments,  warns,  pleads, 
denounces,  promises — in  fact,  uses  every  possible  method 
of  persuasion — in  order  that  he  may  win  the  people 
back  to  a  pure  and  acceptable  service  of  their  God. 

Title:  Person  and  time  of  the  author  (i.  i). 

I.  Hosea's  Domestic  Experience  an  Illustration  of  Yahweh's 
Love  and  Israel's  Faithlessness  (i.  2  to  3.  5) 

1.  Hosea’s  wife  and  children  (1.  2-9;  3.  1-3). 

(1)  Marriage  of  Hosea  and  birth  of  Jezreel  (1.  2-5). 

10  Num.  13.  8,  16;  Deut.  32.  42. 

11  2  Kings  17. 1. 

12  The  story  is  contained  in  1.  2-9;  3.  1-3,  the  exposition  in  1.  10  to 

2.  231  3*  4>  5* 

13  Ewald,  for  instance,  suggested  three  subdivisions:  4.  1  to  6.  11a, 
the  Arraignment;  6.  11b  to  9.  9,  the  Punishment;  9.  10  to  14.  9,  Re¬ 
trospect  of  the  earlier  history,  exhortation  and  comfort.  Similarly, 
Kirkpatrick:  4  to  8,  Israel’s  guilt;  9.  1  to  11.  11,  Israel’s  doom;  11.  12  to 
14.  9,  retrospect  and  prospect. 


355 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


(2)  Birth  of  Lo-ruhama  (1.  6,  7). 

(3)  Birth  of  Lo-ammi  (1.  8,  9). 

(4)  Restoration  of  the  outcast  wife  (3.  1-3). 

2.  Interpretation  of  the  acts  and  names  in  the  story  of  Hosea’s  wife 
and  children  (1.  10  to  2.  23;  3.  4,  5). 

(1)  Promise  of  a  glorious  restoration  (1.  10  to  2.  1). 

(2)  Faithlessness  of  Israel  (2.  2-5). 

(3)  Evil  consequences  and  punishment  of  Israel’s  faithless¬ 

ness  (2.  6-13). 

(4)  Disciplinary  effect  of  the  judgment,  and  future  exalta¬ 

tion  of  Israel  (2.  14-23;  3,  4,  5). 

a.  Restoration  of  Israel  to  intimate  fellowship  with 

Yahweh  (2.  14-17). 

b.  Permanent  peace,  undisturbed  by  man  or  beast  (2. 

18). 

c.  New  betrothal  in  righteousness  (2.  19,  20). 

d.  Extraordinary  fertility  of  the  soil  (2.  21,  22). 

e.  Israel’s  reestablishment  and  loyalty  (2.  23). 

f.  Judgment  and  the  subsequent  Messianic  age  (3. 

4,  5). 


II.  Hosea's  Prophetic  Discourses  (4.  1  to  14.  8) 

1.  Awful  condition  of  the  people  due  to  a  lack  of  knowledge  of 

Yahweh,  for  which  lack  the  priests  are  responsible  (4. 
1-19). 

(1)  Moral  corruption  in  every  day  life  (4.  1-10). 

a.  Moral  corruption  of  the  people  (4.  1-3). 

b.  Responsibility  of  the  religious  leaders  (4.  4-8). 

c.  Judgment  upon  priests  and  people  (4.  9,  10). 

(2)  Moral  corruption  connected  with  the  religious  cult  (4.  11- 

19). 

a.  Religious  corruption  of  the  masses  (4.  11-14). 

b.  Inevitableness  of  judgment  (4.  15-19). 

2.  Utter  corruption — inevitable  doom  (5.  1  to  8.  14). 

(1)  Rebuke  of  Israel’s  apostasy — the  time  of  mercy  is  past  (5. 

I-I5). 

a.  Rebuke  of  Israel’s  apostasy  (5.  1-7). 

b.  Time  of  mercy  past  (5.  8-15). 

(2)  Israel’s  superficial  repentance  and  Yahweh’s  reply  (6.  1- 

11a). 

a.  Return  of  the  people  to  Yahweh  (6.  1-3). 

356 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


b.  Yahweh’s  reply:  Superficial  repentance  not  acceptable 
to  Yahweh — the  corruption  is  incurable  (6.  4-1  ia). 

(3)  New  picture  of  the  moral  degradation — resulting  anarchy 

and  destruction  (6.  11b  to  8.  3). 
o.  Divine  mercy  and  the  people’s  apostasy  (6.  11b  to  7. 
2). 

b.  Present  state  of  anarchy  (7.  3-7). 

c.  Israel,  blinded  by  her  folly  rushes  headlong  to  de¬ 

struction  (7.  8-i6a). 

d.  Imminence  of  a  hostile  invasion  (7.  16b  to  8.  3). 

(4)  Israel’s  political  and  religious  practices  an  abomination 

to  Yahweh  (8.  4-14). 

3.  Present  rejoicing  contrasted  with  despair  of  the  exile  (9.  1-9). 

4.  Scries  of  retrospects  showing  the  utter  corruption  of  Israel  (9. 

10  to  II.  11). 

(1)  Israel,  apostate  and  rebellious  from  time  immemorial, 

doomed  to  destruction  (9.  10-17). 

(2)  Israel’s  guilt  and  punishment  (10.  1-8). 

(3)  Israel’s  history — one  continuous  crime;  Israel’s  destiny 

— death  and  destruction  (10.  9-15). 

(4)  The  father’s  love  for  the  prodigal  son  (11.  1-11). 

5.  New  series  of  indictments  (11.  12  to  12.  14). 

(1)  Condemnation  of  Israel’s  faithlessness;  exhortation  to 

repentance  (11.  12  to  12.  6). 

(2)  Israel’s  unholy  ambition  and  bitter  disappointment  (12. 

7-14). 

6.  Israel’s  glory  turned  to  shame  (13.  1-16). 

(1)  Israel’s  apostasy  its  own  death  warrant  (13.  1-3). 

(2)  Love — ingratitude — doom  (13.  4-8). 

(3)  Utter  destruction  the  just  punishment  for  Israel’s  guilt 

(13.  9-16). 

7.  Israel’s  repentance — Yahweh’s  pardon  (14.  1-8). 

(1)  Israel’s  penitent  plea  (14.  1-3). 

(2)  Divine  pardon  and  benediction  (14.  4-8). 

Epilogue — Exhortation  to  study  the  book  of  Hosea  (14.  9). 

Origin  of  the  Book.  Until  very  recent  times  the  book 
in  its  present  form  was  commonly  ascribed  to  the 
prophet  whose  name  it  bears ;  few,  if  any,  passages  were 
questioned  as  later  additions  or  interpolations.  In  the 

357 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

words  of  Cheyne,  “We  cannot  suppose  that  Hosea  de¬ 
livered  any  part  of  the  book  in  its  present  form;  it  can 
only  be  a  reproduction  by  the  prophet  himself  of  the 
main  points  of  his  discourses,  partly  imaginative,  partly 
on  the  basis  of  notes/’14  With  the  advance  in  critical 
study,  especially  since  the  publication  of  the  commen¬ 
taries  by  Wellhausen15  and  Nowack,16  and  the  more 
recent  works  of  Marti17  and  Harper,18  scholars  have 
come  to  question  an  increasing  number  of  passages. 
Harper,  for  instance,  enumerates  as  the  more  important 
of  the  additions  and  glosses  the  following:  i.  i,  7,  9  to 
2.  1;  2.  2b,  4,  6,  7,  10,  14,  15,  16,  18-23;  3.  5;  6.  11a,  b; 

7.  4;  8.  ib,  8b,  10-14;  9.  9;  10.  3,  4,  10,  14b;  11.  8b, 

9a,  10b,  11,  12b;  12.  3b-6,  12,  13;  14.  1-9.19  Marti 
considers  as  secondary  (1)  all  the  references  to  Judah  in 
1.  1,  7,  10;  4.  15;  5.  5,  10,  12,  13,  14;  6.  4,  11 ;  8.  14; 
10.  11 ;  11.  12b;  12.  2a;  (2)  all  promises  of  restoration, 
1.  9  to  2.  1 ;  2.  13^23 ;  3.  1-5 ;  5.  15  to  6.  3,  5b;  11.  10, 

1 1 ;  14.  1-9.  Besides,  he  recognizes  the  presence  of  a 

large  number  of  smaller  additions  and  glosses.20  The 
lists  of  these  two  commentators  indicate  to  what  extent 
modern  criticism  denies  to  Hosea  passages  now  found 
in  the  book  bearing  his  name. 

The  alleged  secondary  elements,  apart  from  words  and 
sentences  of  minor  importance,  may  be  grouped  as  fol¬ 
lows:  (1)  References  to  Judah;  (2)  passages  picturing 
the  glories  of  the  future;  (3)  “phrases  and  sentences  of 

14  Hosea ,  p.  19. 

16  Die  Kleinen  Propheten ,  1892. 

14  Die  Kleinen  Propheten ,  1897. 

17  Das  Dodekapropheton,  1904. 

11  Amos  and  Hosea ,  1905. 

l#  Amos  and  Hosea ,  p.  clx. 

10  Das  Dodekapropheton ,  pp.  8-10. 

358 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


a  technical,  archaeological,  or  historical  character,  in¬ 
serted  by  way  of  expansion  or  explanation”;  (4)  mis¬ 
cellaneous  glosses  and  interpolations  for  which  no  special 
motive  may  be  discovered.21  Attention  may  be  given, 
first  of  all,  to  the  references  to  Judah.  Marti  insists  that 
Hosea  never  in  a  single  case  referred  to  Judah;22  Harper 
considers  this  an  extreme  position  and  admits  that  “in 

4.  15  and  5.  5  there  is  nothing  which  demands  a  later 
origin.”  An  exhaustive  discussion  of  the  subject  would 
require  a  detailed  exegetical  study  of  each  passage 
naming  Judah,  which  is  out  of  the  question  in  a  work  of 
this  kind,  but  a  few  general  observations  may  be  made 
regarding  these  references:  (1)  1.  7  and  4.  15  represent 
Judah  as  better  than  Israel;  the  remaining  passages,  5. 

5,  10,  12,  13,  14;  6.  4,  11 ;  8.  14;  10.  11 ;  11.  12  (margin)  ; 

12.  2,  make  Judah  equally  guilty  with  Israel.23  (2)  The 
explanation  that  1.  7  and  4.  15  were  spoken  before  Hosea 
had  become  fully  acquainted  with  conditions  in  Judah, 
cannot  be  accepted  as  satisfactory.24  (3)  The  thought  of 
1.  7  is  foreign  to  the  rest  of  the  chapter  and  4.  15  inter¬ 
rupts  the  description  of  Israel’s  corruption,  which  ad¬ 
vances  from  verse  14  immediately  to  verse  16.  (4) 

There  is  little  doubt,  therefore,  that  the  two  passages 
which  consider  Judah  better  than  Israel  are  later  inter¬ 
polations.  (5)  Of  the  other  passages  naming  Judah 
it  is  claimed  that  they  might  easily  be  omitted  from 
their  present  contexts  without  seriously  affecting  the 

21  See  R.  W.  Harper,  Amos  and  Hosea ,  pp.  clviii-clxii. 

22  So  also  Valeton,  Nowack,  Seesemann,  Steuemagel,  etc. 

23  1.  11  is  a  promise  of  restoration  to  both  Israel  and  Judah. 

24  The  time  that  elapsed  between  the  delivery  of  4.  15  and  that  of 
chapter  5  cannot  have  been  very  long;  moreover,  it  is  exceedingly 
doubtful  that  the  prophet  ever  thought  more  highly  of  Judah  than  of 
Israel. 


359 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


thought,  or,  even,  that  the  omission  would  restore  con¬ 
sistency  and  continuity  destroyed  by  the  references  to 
Judah.  (6)  It  must  be  admitted  that  in  some  cases  the 
parallelism  and  even  the  thought  would  be  improved  if 
the  reference  to  Judah  were  deleted,25  or  if  “Judah” 
were  changed  to  “Israel.”26  In  other  instances,  however, 
the  omission  or  change  would  so  seriously  affect  the 
thought  of  the  passage  that  one  may  well  hesitate  to 
adopt  the  suggested  emendations.27 

The  objections  against  the  passages  picturing  a 
brighter  future  are  of  two  kinds  :  (i)  General  objections, 
which  deny  all  such  promises  to  Hosea  on  the  ground 
that  he,  like  the  other  preexilic  prophets,  was  preemi¬ 
nently  a  messenger  of  doom  and  that,  therefore,  the 
introduction  of  a  note  of  hopefulness  and  promise  would 
weaken  his  message.28  (2)  Specific  objections  to  par¬ 
ticular  passages,  such  as  abrupt  transition,  change  in  his¬ 
torical  background,  peculiarity  of  language  and  style,  etc. 
The  general  objections  to  the  acceptance  of  any  Mes¬ 
sianic  promise  as  preexilic  are  discussed  in  connection 
with  the  Messianic  hope  of  Isaiah,  where  it  is  shown 
that  the  arguments  are  altogether  inconclusive.29  The 
specific  arguments  advanced  against  particular  sections 
can  be  tested  only  in  connection  with  each  separate  pas¬ 
sage  ;  in  general,  however,  they  are  of  three  kinds 


26  As  is  suggested  in  connection  with  I.  11;  5.  5;  6.  11;  11.  12. 

26  As  is  suggested  in  connection  with  5.  io,  12,  13,  14;  6.  4;  8.  14;  10. 
1 1 ;  12.  2. 

27  For  instance,  5.  12-14. 

28  Nowack,  Volz,  Marti,  Harper,  and  many  more. 

29  See  vol.  I,  pp.  1 37-1 39.  Steuemagel,  after  careful  investigation, 
reaches  the  conclusion  that  the  general  objections  are  of  insufficient 
weight  to  impair  the  genuineness  of  the  promise  sections  in  the  book 
of  Hosea  ( Einleitung ,  p.  606). 


360 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


closely  related  to  each  other:  (i)  The  promise  sections 
are  said  to  be  unsuitable  for  Hosea’ s  situation;  (2)  they 
are  said  to  interrupt  in  an  unnatural  manner  his  threats 
and  announcements  of  judgment;  (3)  they  are  said  to  be 
contrary  to  Hosea’ s  point  of  view.  Now,  it  may  be 
granted  that  the  age  of  Hosea  called  for  messages  of 
warning  and  judgment,  and,  no  doubt,  he  delivered  such 
messages  with  all  the  force  and  energy  he  could  com¬ 
mand  ;  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  equally  true  that  promises 
of  a  brighter  future  might  offer  a  powerful  incentive  to 
the  people  to  change  their  conduct  for  the  better.  The 
promises  are  not  made  unconditionally;  their  fulfillment 
presupposes  repentance  and  a  return  to  Yahweh  on  the 
part  of  the  people.  Why  such  promises  must  be  rejected 
as  unsuitable  in  the  days  of  Hosea  or  contrary  to  the 
prophet’s  point  of  view  is  not  easily  seen. 

Harper  mentions  a  number  of  explanatory  phrases 
and  sentences  which  he  considers  secondary,  among  them 
“because  the  shadow  thereof  is  good,”30  “with  their 
flocks  and  with  their  herds/’31  “as  in  the  days  of 
Gibeah,”32  “for  the  glory  thereof,  because  it  is  departed 
from  it.”33  Among  the  alleged  glosses  of  a  miscellaneous 
character  are  the  following:  “That  they  may  be  cut 
off;”34  “how  long  will  it  be  ere  they  attain  to  in- 
nocency?”35  “with  my  God.”36  Each  of  these  must  be 
examined  on  its  own  merits,  and  so  other  similar  cases, 

30  4- 13* 

31  5. 6. 

32  9-  9. 

33 10.  5. 

34  8.  4. 

36  8.  5;  the  whole  of  8.  10-14  is  also  questioned. 

36  9.  8.  For  other  illustrations  see  W.  R.  Harper,  Amos  and  Hosea ,  pp. 
clxi,  clxii. 

•  > 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


which  can  be  done  only  in  connection  with  a  detailed 
exegetical  study ;  but,  in  general,  it  may  be  stated  that  the 
arguments  advanced  against  the  genuineness  of  these 
clauses  and  phrases  are  threefold :  ( i )  They  may  be 
omitted  without  disturbing  the  thought;  (2)  the  poetic 
meter  requires  the  omission;  (3)  their  connection  with 
the  context  is  not  clear;  sometimes  they  seem  to  contra¬ 
dict  the  context.  Of  the  objections  the  first,  as  has  been 
stated  above,  is  never  conclusive ;  the  second  will  be  con¬ 
vincing  only  to  those  who  believe  that  the  author  used  the 
exact  metrical  and  strophical  form  advocated  by  the 
scholars  who  raise  the  objection;  those  who  adhere  to 
another  metrical  system  may  retain  some  of  the  rejected 
passages  and  suggest  other  alterations  that  may  bring  the 
text  into  harmony  with  their  own  system.37  That  there 
is  in  the  prophetic  books  much  more  poetry  than  was 
formerly  supposed,  and  that  meter  is  of  great  value  to 
the  textual  critic  is  not  questioned ;  but  that  in  the  present 
state  of  uncertainty  a  hypothetical  metrical  system  may 
be  used  as  a  final  criterion  by  the  student  of  the  text 

37  The  use  of  poetry  in  the  prophetic  literature  is  discussed  above,  vol.  I, 
pp.  109,  no;  it  is  a  question,  however,  whether  prophetic  poetry  may  be 
expected  to  follow  with  absolute  consistency  the  ordinary  laws  of 
poetry.  When,  for  instance,  Harper  says  (p.  clxix)  that  “the  analogy  of 
other  ancient  literature  should  have  suggested  long  ago  the  probability 
that  Israel’s  early  prophetic  literature  was  poetry,’’  and  then  gives  as 
illustrations  the  Gilgamesh  epic  of  Babylonia  and  the  Homeric  poems  of 
Greece,  he  overlooks  the  fact  that  these  are  literary  compositions 
of  a  nature  entirely  different  from  the  discourses  of  the  Hebrew  prophets. 
The  admission  that,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  these  pieces  were  spoken 
rather  than  sung,  we  might  expect  “a  much  larger  freedom  in  form”  and 
“a  greater  variety,”  and  that  this  “occasions  the  chief  difference  between 
prophetic  poetry  and  psalm  poetry,”  meets  the  case,  provided  it  carries 
with  it  the  recognition  of  sufficient  freedom  of  form.  But  if  such 
freedom  is  granted,  changes  in  the  text  for  the  sake  of  meter  become 
unnecessary,  or,  at  least,  few  in  number. 

362 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


may  be  seriously  doubted;  and  one  may  be  justified 
in  refusing  to  accept  as  secondary  passages  which  on  this 
ground  alone  are  denied  to  Hosea. 

Abruptness  in  transition  cannot  be  regarded  as  prov¬ 
ing  conclusively  the  presence  of  interpolations.  No 
doubt  such  abruptness  and  apparent  lack  of  logical  ar¬ 
rangement  are  found  in  Hosea  more  frequently  than  in 
almost  any  other  Old  Testament  book,  but  they  may  be 
accounted  for  in  most  cases  by  (i)  corruption  of  the 
text;  (2)  Hosea’ s  peculiar  style;  (3)  the  fact  that  the 
book  does  not  contain  a  verbatim  report  of  the  prophet’s 
discourses;  (4)  the  fact  that  apparently  the  separate 
utterances  are  arranged  in  neither  chronological  nor 
logical  order.  On  these  points  the  following  observations 
may  be  made :  ( 1 )  It  is  generally  admitted  that  the  text 
of  Hosea  has  suffered  serious  corruption  in  the  course 
of  transmission.  Even  the  cautious  A.  B.  Davidson 
feels  compelled  to  say,  “A  multitude  of  passages  are  cor¬ 
rupt,  some  incurably.”38  Again  and  again  commentators 
must  confess  that  the  translation  and  interpretation  of 
certain  passages  are  in  doubt,  in  many  cases  on  account 
of  textual  corruption.39  (2)  The  style  of  Hosea  differs 
from  that  of  all  other  Old  Testament  prophets.  Jerome 
speaks  of  it  as  “broken  up  into  short  clauses”;40  Pusey 
writes:  “Each  verse  forms  a  whole  by  itself,  like  one 
heavy  toll  of  a  funeral  knell”  ;41  to  which  description 
Cheyne  adds:  “Even  the  fetters  of  grammar  are  almost 
too  much  for  Hosea’s  vehement  feelings.”42  The  last 


18  Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible ,  article,  “Hosea.” 

39  For  instance,  4.  4;  7.  3-7;  11.  7,  12;  12.  iff.  and  many  more  passages. 

40  Preface  to  Minor  Prophets. 

41  Minor  Prophets ,  p.  6. 

42  Hosea ,  p.  33. 


36s 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


quotation  suggests  the  cause  of  the  abruptness  and  dis¬ 
connectedness.  Hosea  was  a  man  of  sensitive  nature, 
his  emotions  were  profoundly  stirred,  the  truth  burned 
in  his  heart ;  in  sympathy  and  anguish  he  poured  out  his 
very  soul,  without  any  attempt  to  indicate  the  logical  con¬ 
nection  between  the  separate  utterances.  This  the 
hearers  might  supply.  (3)  If  the  book  consists  of  brief 
summaries,  and  if  these  summaries  were  united — by  the 
prophet  himself  or  by  later  compilers — without  adequate 
regard  for  logical  connection,  abrupt  transitions  may  well 
have  resulted.  Moreover,  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that 
the  several  utterances,  delivered  at  different  times  and 
under  widely  different  circumstances,  were  ever  bound 
together  in  close  logical  connection. 

The  conclusion  of  the  whole  matter  is,  not  that  the 
book  is  entirely  free  from  later  interpolations,43  but  that 
the  later  elements  are  not  as  numerous  as  some  recent 
writers  seem  to  think.  Moreover,  the  later  additions  do 
not  modify  in  any  fundamental  way  the  teaching  of  the 
prophet  Hosea. 

Harper  recognizes  the  following  steps  in  the  literary 
history  of  the  book :  ( 1 )  Hosea  prepared  a  collection  of 
his  sermons,  to  which  he  prefixed  an  introduction  ex¬ 
plaining  his  call  to  preach.  (2)  At  the  time  of  the  fall 
of  Samaria,  in  722  b.  c.,  the  book  was  taken  to  Judah, 
where  it  came  to  have  a  position  of  prominence.  ( 3 )  In 
postexilic  times  it  underwent  a  Judahistic  revision.  (4) 
At  a  still  later  time  the  character  of  the  book  was  trans¬ 
formed  through  the  insertion  of  the  Messianic  passages.44 

43  See  remarks  on  p.  359,  concerning  1.  7  and  4.  15;  1.  10  to  2.  1  also 
may  be  a  later  addition,  though  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  general 
teaching  of  Hosea. 

44  Modifications  of  minor  significance  are  thought  to  have  been  made 
from  time  to  time  during  all  the  periods  indicated. 

364 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


(5)  The  book  assumed  its  present  form  during  the  Greek 
period.  The  present  writer  believes  that  the  book  reached 
its  final  form  at  a  somewhat  earlier  period,  and  that,  aside 
from  textual  corruptions  and  minor  changes  traceable  to 
individual  readers  and  copyists,  only  two  stages  may  be 
distinguished  in  its  literary  history:  (1)  The  preaching 
of  Hosea  and  the  summarizing  of  his  discourses  in  brief 
poems;  (2)  the  collection  and  arrangement  of  the  ma¬ 
terial  left  by  Hosea,  soon  after  the  death  of  the  prophet, 
by  an  intimate  friend  and  disciple,  to  whom  may  be 
credited  also  the  present  form  of  chapter  1,  in  which 
Hosea  is  referred  to  in  the  third  person.45 

Date  of  Hosea.  The  title  of  the  book  gives  as  the  time 
of  Hosea’s  activity  “the  days  of  Uzziah,  Jotham,  Ahaz, 
and  Hezekiah,  kings  of  Judah,  and  the  days  of  Jero¬ 
boam,  the  son  of  Joash,  king  of  Israel.”  This  fixes  the 
date  of  Hosea’s  activity  between  about  750  and  700  b.  c. 
Unfortunately,  the  testimony  of  the  title  cannot  be  ac¬ 
cepted  as  final,  because  it  did  not  originate  with  Hosea, 
nor  has  it  been  preserved  in  its  original  form:  (1)  In¬ 
ternal  evidence  shows  that  chapters  1  to  3  belong  to  the 
later  years  of  Jeroboam  II,  and  that,  on  the  whole,  chap¬ 
ters  4  to  14  belong  to  the  troubled  period  subsequent  to 
his  death.  This  being  so,  it  would  seem  strange,  on  the 
assumption  that  Hosea  furnished  the  title,  that  the  later 

46  It  is  not  necessary  to  assume  a  formal  Judahistic  revision.  As  has 
been  pointed  out,  some  of  the  references  to  Judah  may  have  appeared 
in  the  original  prophecies;  others  may  be  traced  to  marginal  notes  added 
after  the  fall  of  Israel  by  readers  in  Judah,  who  could  not  understand  the 
scarcity  of  references  to  their  own  country.  Nor  is  it  necessary  to  assume 
a  transformation  of  the  book  through  the  interpolation  of  the  Messianic 
promises.  Most  of  the  latter  were  undoubtedly  a  part  of  Hosea’s 
message;  others  were  inserted  by  later  readers  as  marginal  notes  in 
places  where  they  thought  that  the  introduction  of  a  promise  would 
strengthen  the  prophetic  appeal. 

36s 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


date — Uzziah  to  Hezekiah — should  be  given  before  the 
earlier — Jeroboam — and  that  no  reference  should  be 
made  to  the  successors  of  Jeroboam  who  were  contem¬ 
poraries  of  the  kings  of  Judah  whose  names  are  given. 
(2)  Hosea  was  a  citizen  of  the  northern  kingdom.  Under 
these  circumstances,  would  we  expect  preference  to  be 
given  to  the  kings  of  Judah,  and  mention  made  of  only 
one  king  of  Israel,  his  name  appearing  in  last  place?  (3) 
Internal  evidence  makes  it  highly  improbable  that  any 
of  the  prophecies  in  the  book  date  from  a  period  later 
than  734  b.  c. ;  that  is,  from  the  greater  part  of  Ahaz’s 
reign,  and  the  whole  of  Hezekiah’s  rule:  ( a )  In  734 
b.  c.  Tiglath-pileser  IV  deported  to  Assyria  the  inhabi¬ 
tants  of  the  trans-Jordanic  territory  of  Israel;46  but  in 
Hosea  this  district  is  referred  to  as  an  integral  part  of 
the  northern  kingdom.47  ( b )  In  734  Assyria  was  an 
enemy  of  Israel,  while  during  the  succeeding  years  it 
claimed  sovereignty  over  the  latter;  nowhere  in  the  book 
does  Assyria  appear  as  an  enemy  in  the  present  or  the 
immediate  past,  but  as  a  worthless  and  dangerous  ally.48 
(c)  The  book  is  silent  concerning  the  invasion  of  Judah 
by  Israel  and  Damascus  in  735/734  b.  c.49  If  this  im¬ 
portant  event  had  already  taken  place  when  Hosea  proph¬ 
esied,  his  silence  would  be  inexplicable.  Clearly,  there¬ 
fore,  the  conditions  reflected  throughout  the  whole  of 
chapters  4  to  1450  are  those  existing  in  Israel  from  the 
death  of  Jeroboam  II  down  to  about  735  b.  c. ;  they  are 

46  2  Kings  15.  29;  R.  W.  Rogers,  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testa¬ 
ment ,  p.  319. 

47  6.  8;  12.  11 ;  compare  5.  1. 

48  5-  J3;  7-  n;  8.  9;  12.  1;  14.  3. 

49  2  Kings  16.  5-9;  Isa.  7.  1-9. 

60  It  is  generally  admitted  that  the  background  of  chapters  1  to  3  is 
even  earlier. 

366 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


inconsistent  with  what  we  know  of  the  period  after  734 
b.  c. 

These  considerations  have  convinced  modem  scholars 
that  the  title  in  its  present  form  cannot  come  from  Hosea 
or  even  from  a  contemporary  of  the  prophet.  They  are 
inclined  to  regard  it  as  an  expansion  of  an  original  title 
intended  only  for  chapters  1  to  3  and  containing  simply 
the  note,  “in  the  days  of  Jeroboam,  the  son  of  Joash, 
king  of  Israel.”  When  a  title  had  to  be  found  for  the 
entire  book  by  the  collector  or  collectors  of  the  Minor 
Prophets  the  other  chronological  notes  were  added,  to 
show  that  the  latter  part  of  the  book  belonged  to  a 
later  period  and  that,  approximately  at  least,  Hosea  was 
a  contemporary  of  Isaiah  and  Micah.51  In  721  b.  c.  the 
northern  kingdom  disappeared,  while  Judah  maintained 
itself  for  nearly  a  century  and  a  half  longer;  the  restora¬ 
tion  centered  around  Jerusalem,  and  the  postexilic  com¬ 
munity  considered  itself  the  descendant  of  Judah;  hence, 
in  dating  the  entire  book,  during  the  postexilic  period, 
precedence  was  given  to  the  kings  of  Judah.  While  the 
considerations  noted  may  fall  short  of  actual  demonstra¬ 
tion,  it  is  perfectly  safe  to  conclude  from  the  available 
evidence  that  Hosea’ s  activity  ceased  about  735  B-  c- 

It  seems  to  have  begun  after  the  close  of  the  prophetic 
career  of  Amos:  (1)  The  title — whatever  the  value  of 
its  testimony  may  be — points  in  that  direction.  (2)  The 
prosperous  condition  of  the  country  reflected  in  chapters 
1  to  3,  the  earliest  portion  of  the  book,  suggests  a  date 
at  least  as  late  as  the  time  of  Amos.  (3)  The  judgment 
as  announced  even  in  chapters  1  to  3  appears  to  be  more 
imminent  than  is  suggested  by  Amos.  (4)  Internal  evi¬ 
dence  places  it  beyond  doubt  that  chapters  4  to  14  belong 

61  Compare  Isa.  1.  1;  Mic.  1.  I.  • 

367 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


to  a  still  later  period;  for  these  chapters  contain  clear 
indications  of  the  state  of  anarchy  into  which  the  north¬ 
ern  kingdom  fell  after  the  death  of  Jeroboam  about 
741  b.  c.52  Consequently,  the  beginning  of  Hosea’s  min¬ 
istry  may  be  dated  about  750  and  his  entire  ministry  be¬ 
tween  750  and  735  b.  c.  Hosea  may  have  heard  Amos, 
or,  at  least,  may  have  known  of  him  and  his  work,  though 
there  are  few  traces  of  the  earlier  prophet’s  influence  in 
the  teaching  of  Hosea.53 

Conditions  Confronting  Hosea.  The  political,  social, 
moral,  and  religious  conditions  portrayed  in  the  section 
on  Amos,  the  forerunner  of  Hosea,54  continued  to  the 
close  of  Jeroboam’s  reign;  only,  as  time  went  on,  some 
of  the  vices  became  more  aggravated.55  The  death  of 
Jeroboam  marked  the  beginning  of  radical  changes  in 
the  political  situation.  The  dynasty  of  Jehu,  of  which 
Jeroboam  was  the  fourth  ruler,  did  not  satisfy  the  eighth- 
century  prophets,  though  its  founder  had  been  placed 
upon  the  throne  with  the  sanction  and  aid  of  the  prophetic 
party.56  The  luxury,  selfishness,  oppression  of  the  poor, 
and  kindred  vices  growing  out  of  the  prosperity  of  Jero¬ 
boam’s  reign  were  denounced  in  stern  tones  by  Amos, 
who  announced  the  overthrow  of  the  “house  of  Jero¬ 
boam.”57  Almost  the  first  words  in  the  book  of  Hosea 
announce  judgment  upon  the  hated  dynasty.58  The 
threat  was  fulfilled  shortly  after  the  death  of  Jeroboam. 

62  7-  7;  8.  3,  4;  13- 10,  11 ;  etc. 

53  Compare  4.  15  with  Amos  5.  5;  8.  14  with  Amos  1.  4. 

54  See  below,  pp.  419-422.  Since  Amos  is  earlier  than  Hosea  it  seems 
best  to  discuss  the  general  conditions  in  connection  with  the  former. 

66  4.  iff.,  1  iff.;  7.  iff.;  etc. 

66  2  Kings,  chapters  9,  10. 

57  Amos  7.  9. 

58  1.  4,  5;  the  reference  is  to  the  crime  narrated  in  2  Kings  10.  11. 

368 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


Party  spirit,  no  longer  held  in  check  by  a  strong  hand, 
broke  out,  and  his  son  and  successor,  Zeehariah,  was 
slain  in  a  conspiracy  after  a  reign  of  only  six  months. 
With  him  the  dynasty  of  Jehu  came  to  an  end.  Of  the 
period  of  anarchy  which  followed,  Hosea  supplies  a  vivid 
picture.59  Kings  came  forward  in  rapid  succession; 
Shallum,  the  murderer  of  Zeehariah,  was  overthrown 
after  one  month,  by  Menahem.60  He,  to  strengthen  his 
position,  bought  the  support  of  Tiglath-pileser  IV.61 
At  the  same  time,  or  shortly  after,  another  party  was 
seeking  help  from  Egypt.62  Menahem,  the  only  ruler  of 
this  period  to  die  a  natural  death,  was  succeeded  by  his 
son  Pekahiah,  who  after  two  years  was  assassinated  by 
Pekah.63  The  new  king  entered  into  an  alliance  with 
Rezin  of  Damascus,  and  together  they  invaded  Judah.64 
Pekah  was  deposed  and  murdered  by  Hoshea,65  with  the 
connivance  of  Assyria,66  and  in  734  b.  c.  Hoshea  became 
the  last  king  of  the  northern  kingdom. 

Little  needs  to  be  added  to  what  is  said  in  the  section 
on  Amos  concerning  the  religious  and  moral  situation. 
Hosea  sums  up  his  indictment  in  one  word — whoredom. 
Israel,  the  spouse  of  Yahweh,  has  proved  faithless  to  her 
husband  in  the  spheres  of  religion,  morals,  and  politics. 
The  people  are  without  a  knowledge  of  Yahweh  ;67  con¬ 
sequently  they  are  in  ignorance  concerning  his  real  re- 

59  7.  3-7;  8.  4. 

60  2  Kings  15.  14. 

61  2  Kings  15.  19,  20;  compare  Hos.  8.  9,  10. 

62  12.  1. 

83  2  Kings  15.  25. 

84  2  Kings  16.  6;  Isa.  7.  1-3. 

85  2  Kings  15.  30. 

88  See  R.  W.  Rogers,  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testament ,  pp. 

319,  321. 

87  4.  6;  5.  4;  etc. 


369 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


quirements.  Their  worship  is  not  acceptable;  for,  while 
nominally  they  pay  homage  to  Yahweh,68  in  reality  they 
honor  the  Baals.69  This  illegitimate  worship  calls  forth 
the  severest  and  most  persistent  condemnation.70  In 
the  sphere  of  morals  their  lack  of  the  knowledge  of  Yah¬ 
weh  has  resulted  in  conduct  that  is  absolutely  contrary 
to  the  demands  of  Yahweh;  immoralities,  crimes,  and 
vices  of  every  description  are  practiced  openly  and  in 
defiance  of  all  prophetic  exhortations.71  In  the  sphere 
of  politics  the  faithlessness  manifests  itself  in  a  twofold 
manner :  ( i )  in  rebellion  against  all  legitimate  authority 
and  assassinations  of  successive  kings  and  princes;72  (2) 
in  dependence  upon  human  defenses,73  and  foreign 
alliances,74  rather  than  upon  the  power  of  Yahweh. 

The  Prophet.  Hosea,  like  Amos,  prophesied  in  the 
northern  kingdom;  but  while  Amos  was  a  stranger,75 
sent  upon  a  temporary  mission,  Hosea  was  a  citizen  of 
the  north,  bound  by  a  sympathetic  patriotism  to  the  king¬ 
dom  whose  destruction  he  was  commissioned  to  predict. 
“In  every  sentence,”  says  Ewald,  “it  appears  that  Hosea 
has  not  only  visited  the  kingdom  of  Ephraim,  as  Amos 
has  done,  but  that  he  is  acquainted  with  it  from  the 
depths  of  his  heart,  and  follows  all  its  doings,  aims,  and 
fortunes  with  the  profound  feelings  gendered  of  such  a 
sympathy  as  is  conceivable  in  the  case  of  a  native  prophet 


68  5.  6;  6.  6ff. 

69  2.  5,  8,  13. 

70  2.  2ff.;  4.  1  iff. ;  8.  4ff.;  9.  10;  10.  iff.;  13.  iff.;  14.  1-3. 

71  4.  1,  2,  6ff.,  13,  18;  6.  8,  9;  7.  1-7;  10.  4,  9,  I2ff. 

72  7.  1-7;  8.  4;  13.  10,  11. 

73  8.  14;  10.  13;  14.  3. 

74  5-  13;  7-  8,  n-13;  8.  9;  12.  1;  14.  3;  compare  7.  16;  8.  13;  9.  3ff.; 
10.  6;  11.  11. 

7B  Amos  was  a  native  of  Tekoa  in  Judah;  see  below,  p.  422. 

370 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


only.”76  In  support  of  this  claim  attention  may  be  called 
(i)  to  the  general  tone  and  spirit  of  the  book.  The 
pictures  of  the  religious,  moral,  social,  and  political  situa¬ 
tion,  drawn  with  such  vividness,  force,  and  compassion, 
must  come  from  one  who  had  lived  for  many  years  amid 
scenes  of  hopelessness  and  corruption,  and  whose  heart 
came  nigh  breaking  as  he  beheld  his  own  countrymen 
throwing  themselves  headlong  into  ruin.  (2)  It  is 
worthy  of  note  that  the  localities  mentioned  in  the  book 
are  almost  without  exception  places  in  the  north;  Judah 
is  mentioned  rarely,77  Jerusalem  not  at  all.  Israel  is 
“the  land”  ;78  the  king  of  Israel  is  called  “our  king”  ;79 
it  is  the  ruling  dynasty  of  the  north  that  is  condemned,80 
and  the  kingdom  of  the  house  of  Israel  that  is  to  be  made 
to  cease.81  The  localities  mentioned  most  prominently 
are  Lebanon,82  Gilead,83  Mizpah  and  Tabor,84  Gibeah,85 
Gilgal,86  Jezreel,87  Ramah,88  Shechem,89  and  particu¬ 
larly  the  religious  center  Bethel90  and  the  capital 
Samaria.91 

Little  is  known  of  the  prophet’s  personal  history.  His 
father  is  called  Beeri.92  Early  Jewish  writers  identified 
this  Beeri  with  Beerah,  a  Reubenite  prince,  carried  into 
exile  by  Tiglath-pileser.93  The  prophet  is  represented 

78  j Prophets,  I,  p.  21 1. 

77  Some  scholars  question  the  originality  of  all  the  references  to 
Judah  (see  above,  pp.  358-360). 


78  I.  2. 

88  4.  15;  9.  15;  12.  11. 

79  7.  5. 

87  1.  4;  2.  22. 

80  I.  4. 

88  5-  8. 

81  I.  4. 

89  6.  9. 

”  14.  5-7. 

90  4.  15;  5.  8;  10.  5,  8,  : 

83  6.  8;  12.  11. 

91  7.  1;  8.  5,  6;  10.  5,  7 

84  5-  1. 

92  1.  1. 

86  5.  8;  9.  9;  10.  9. 

93  1  Chron.  5.  6.  According  to  an  early  Christian  tradition  he  was  of 
the  tribe  of  Issachar,  from  a  place  called  Belemoth  or  Belemon. 

371 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


as  marrying  Gomer,  who  became  the  mother  of  three 
children,  to  whom  he  gave  names  symbolic  of  the  destiny 
of  his  people.94  Gomer  proved  unfaithful  and  left  his 
home,  but  in  the  end  was  bought  back  by  the  prophet 
and  restored  to  his  home,  though,  temporarily  at  least, 
not  to  the  full  privileges  of  wifehood.95  A  Jewish  legend 
states  that  Hosea  died  in  Babylon,  that  his  body  was 
carried  to  Galilee  and  buried  in  Safed,  northwest  of  the 
Sea  of  Galilee,  on  the  highest  point  in  that  region.96 
According  to  another  tradition  he  was  a  native  of  Gilead 
and  was  buried  there;  at  any  rate,  the  grave  of  Nebi 
Osha ,  that  is,  the  prophet  Hosea,  is  shown  near  es-Salt, 
the  ancient  Ramoth-Gilead,  south  of  the  Jabbok  River. 

There  is  nothing  to  indicate  what  was  the  occupation 
of  the  prophet.  Duhm  has  tried  to  prove  that  he  was  a 
member  of  the  priestly  order.97  The  most  important 
arguments  in  favor  of  this  view  are:  (i)  The  frequent 
references  to  the  priests;98  (2)  the  references  to  the 
law;99  (3)  the  mention  of  unclean  things;100  (4)  the 
emphasis  on  ceremonial  uncleanness;101  (5)  the 
reference  to  persecution  in  the  temple.102  Whatever  his 
occupation  in  life  may  have  been — the  arguments  cer¬ 
tainly  are  not  sufficient  to  prove  that  he  was  a  priest — 
Hosea  was  a  keen  observer  of  the  present,  and  he  reveals 

94  Chapter  I. 

95  3-  1-3. 

96  See  Neubauer,  Geographie  du  Talmud ,  p.  227. 

97  Theologie  der  Propheten,  pp.  130,  13 1. 

98  See  especially  chapter  4. 

99  4.  6;  8.  12. 

100  9-  3;  compare  5.  3;  6.  10. 

101  9.  10. 

102  9.  8.  Similar'expressions  are  found  again  only  in  the  prophecies  of 
Ezekiel,  who  was  a  priest;  but  the  few  scattered  references  in  the  book 
of  Hosea  are  pot  conclusive. 

372 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


a  remarkable  familiarity  with  the  past  history  and  the 
ancient  traditions  of  his  people.103  If  any  inference  may 
be  drawn  from  the  comparisons  and  images  in  which  the 
book  is  rich,  it  will  be  that  Hosea  belonged  to  the  country 
rather  than  to  the  city:  (i)  He  is  familiar  with  wild 
beasts,  their  mode  of  living,  and  the  means  with  which 
they  are  caught;104  (2)  he  knows  the  practices  and 
methods  of  agricultural  life;105  (3)  the  imagery  reflects 
life  in  the  country.106 

The  question  of  Hosea’s  marriage,  as  narrated  in  1. 
2,  3, 107  requires  further  consideration.  The  account  has 
received  various  interpretations,  all  of  which  may  be  ar¬ 
ranged  under  three  heads:  1.  Hosea,  at  the  divine  com¬ 
mand,  is  thought  to  have  allied  himself  with  a  woman 
who  at  the  time  was  known  to  be  a  sinner,  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  reclaiming  her.  Concerning  this  interpretation 
the  following  observations  may  be  in  order:  (1)  There 
is  no  hint  of  such  a  purpose  given  or  implied  in  the 
narrative.  (2)  How  could  Hosea  have  recognized  the 
voice  of  Yahweh  in  the  impulse  which  prompted  him  to 
marry  a  woman  of  unchaste  life?  Would  he  not  have 
thrust  from  him  such  impulse  as  a  snare  and  temptation? 
An  alliance  of  this  sort  would  have  exposed  the  prophet 

103  2.  3,  15;  9.  9,  10;  10.  9;  n.  1,  8;  12.  3,  4,  5,  9,  and  many  more. 

104  For  example,  the  lion,  leopard,  and  bear,  5.  14;  6.  1;  11.  10;  13.  7,  8; 
the  wild  ass,  8.  9;  birds,  7.  11;  9.  11;  11.  11 ;  snares  and  pits,  5.  1,  2;  7. 
12;  9.  8. 

106  The  stubborn  heifer,  4.  16;  the  yoke,  and  ways  of  easing  it,  11.  4; 
harnessing,  threshing,  plowing,  harrowing,  10.  1  iff. ;  the  com  floor, 
9.  1;  13.  3;  etc. 

108  He  makes  reference  to  the  vine  and  the  fig  tree,  and  the  time  when 
their  fruit  is  choicest,  9.  10;  10.  1;  the  furrows  of  the  field,  10.  11,  12; 
the  poppy,  10.  4;  thorns  and  thistles,  10.  8;  nettles,  9.  6;  reeds,  13.  15, 
etc. 

107  Compare  also  3. 1. 


373 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


to  well-merited  contempt,  for  such  an  act  would  have 
made  the  impression  that  he  was  condoning  the  im¬ 
morality  of  his  countrymen,  which  it  was  his  mission  to 
condemn.  The  language  of  A.  B.  Davidson  is  none  too 
strong:  “To  suppose  that  Yahweh  would  have  com¬ 
manded  his  prophet  to  ally  himself  with  a  woman  already 
known  as  of  an  unchaste  life  is  absurd  and  mon¬ 
strous.”108  (3)  The  most  serious  objection  is  based  on 
the  fact  that  the  interpretation  does  not  suit  the  symbol¬ 
ism.  The  relation  between  Hosea  and  Gomer  is  said 
to  symbolize  the  relation  between  Yahweh  and  Israel. 
But  it  is  the  view  of  Hosea  that  Israel  was  pure  at  the 
beginning  of  her  union  with  Yahweh,  and  only  corrupted 
herself  at  a  later  time.109  In  order  to  have  consistent 
symbolism  Gomer  must  have  been  pure  when  Hosea  mar¬ 
ried  her  and  must  have  become  corrupt  later.  The 
validity  of  these  objections  is  generally  recognized,  and 
at  present  this  interpretation  has  few  defenders.110 

2.  Some  interpreters  regard  the  whole  narrative  as 
the  account  of  a  vision,  a  transaction  in  a  dream  or 
trance,  never  carried  out  in  real  life,  or  a  parable,  or 
allegory,  or  figurative  mode  of  speech,  without  any  his¬ 
torical  basis  in  the  domestic  life  of  the  prophet.  This 
view  also  is  open  to  serious  objections:  (1)  It  is  un¬ 
doubtedly  true  that  sometimes  the  prophets  express  their 
teaching  in  the  form  of  narratives  of  transactions  which 
it  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  actually  took  place;* * 111  but 
it  is  equally  true  that  sometimes  the  prophets  performed 

108  Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible ,  article,  “Hosea." 

109  9.  10;  compare  Jer.  2.  2;  etc. 

110  The  most  elaborate  defense  of  this  interpretation  on  the  part  of  a 
recent  writer  is  found  in  J.  M.  P.  Smith,  The  Prophet  and  His  Problems , 
Chapter  5. 

111  See  above,  on  Ezekiel,  p.  345. 

374 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


acts  having  a  symbolic  meaning.112  In  the  narrative  of 
Hosea  there  is  not  the  slightest  hint  of  its  parabolic  char¬ 
acter;  it  bears  the  stamp  of  reality,  and  only  a  literal 
interpretation  of  the  story  as  narrated  in  i.  2-9  and  3. 
1-3  seems  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  the  language.  (2) 
The  parabolic  teaching  leaves  us  without  a  key  to  the 
prophet’s  teaching.  How  did  he  come  to  regard  Yahweh 
as  married  to  Israel?  Even  admitting  that  the  use  of 
the  figure  was  sufficiently  common  among  the  Semites  to 
require  no  special  explanation,  whence  came  the  proph¬ 
et’s  conviction  of  the  intense  and  passionate  love  of  Yah¬ 
weh  for  his  faithless  spouse?  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  origin  of  the  figure,  Hosea’ s  ethical  and  spiritual  con¬ 
ception  is  as  far  above  the  conception  of  the  surrounding 
nations  as  the  heavens  are  above  the  earth.  It  is  not 
without  reason,  therefore,  that  Cheyne  says :  “He  must 
have  been  prepared  by  personal  experience  to  find  a 
moral  element  in  this  conception  which  fitted  it  for  the 
use  of  a  prophet  of  Yahweh.”113  (3)  The  allegorical 
interpretation  does  not  remove  the  moral  difficulty.  If 
the  transaction  itself  would  have  been  repugnant  to  the 
moral  sense,  is  it  probable  that  the  prophet  would  have 
chosen  it  as  the  basis  of  an  allegory?  Moreover,  if 
the  prophet  had  a  faithful  wife,  is  it  credible  that  he 
would  have  exposed  her  to  the  suspicion  of  unchastity 
and  infidelity,  as  he  would  have  done  by  the  use  of 
an  allegory  that  does  not  bear  its  allegorical  character 
upon  its  face?  (4)  The  name  of  the  wife  is  strongly  in 
favor  of  a  literal  interpretation.  If  the  story  were  an 
allegory,  we  would  expect  the  wife  to  bear  an  allegorical 


m  Compare  Isa.  8.  1;  Jer.  28.  10;  1  Kings  22.  11;  and  many  more. 
113  Hosea ,  p.  18. 


375 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


name;  but  “Gomer  the  daughter  of  Diblaim”114  yields  no 
obvious  symbolical  meaning.  The  natural  inference  is 
that  it  is  the  actual  name  of  a  woman  who  became  the 
prophet’s  wife.115 

3.  The  third,  and  at  the  same  time  the  most  probable, 
view  regards  the  narrative  as  a  record  of  actual  facts,  but 
not  in  the  same  way  as  the  first  interpretation  discussed 
above,  for  Gomer  is  thought  to  have  been  unstained 
when  she  became  the  wife  of  Hosea.  This  view  is  sup¬ 
ported  by  the  expression  “a  wife  of  whoredom.”116  The 
evil  tendencies  were  within,  but  had  not  yet  manifested 
themselves.  Hosea  loved  her  dearly,  but  his  love  was 
not  sufficient  to  prevent  the  outbreak.  She  finally  aban¬ 
doned  him  for  her  paramours,  or  perhaps,  for  the 
licentious  rites  connected  with  the  worship  of  the  Baals. 
As  the  prophet,  his  heart  still  burning  with  tender  love 
for  his  faithless  spouse,  sat  and  pondered  over  his  past 
domestic  experience,  he  came  to  see  that  even  this  tragic 
occurrence  could  teach  him  a  lesson  which,  in  turn,  he 
might  teach  Israel.  He  did  not  know  the  significance  of 
it  all  at  the  time  of  the  occurrence;  only  gradually  did  it 
dawn  upon  him  that  so  far  as  his  unique  message  of 
the  divine  love  was  concerned,117  the  unhappy  alliance 

114  i*3‘,  Jezreel,  1.  4,  Lo-ruhamah,  1.  6,  and  Lo-ammi,  1. 9,  all  tell  their 
own  story  in  unmistakable  terms. 

116  Smith’s  interpretation,  "daughter  of  fig-cakes,”  that  is,  a  person 
who  is  held  at  low  value,  is  improbable  ( The  Prophet  and  His  Problems , 
p.  121). 

116  1.  2.  Had  Hosea  meant  to  say  that  she  was  already  devoted  to  an 
unchaste  life,  he  would  in  all  probability  have  called  her  "a  harlot.” 
The  expression  used  seems  to  denote  a  woman  of  unchaste  disposition. 

117  It  would  be  wrong  to  assume  that  Hosea  was  not  a  prophet  until 
after  all  these  experiences  had  come  to  him.  He  must  have  been  con¬ 
scious  of  a  prophetic  mission  even  before  the  birth  of  his  firstborn,  else, 
how  would  he  have  come  to  give  him  a  symbolic  name?  Nevertheless, 

376 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


was  the  first  step  in  his  prophetic  career.  It  was  from 
the  vantage  point  of  the  later  revelation  that  Hosea  de¬ 
scribed  the  earlier  experience.118 

Teaching  of  the  Book.  The  message  of  Hosea  was 
very  comprehensive,  touching  upon  the  social  and  politi¬ 
cal  as  well  as  the  religious  and  moral  situation,  but  the 
principles  and  convictions  underlying  the  more  specific 
teaching  are  few  and  easily  discerned.  I.  Fundamental 
is  the  prophet’s  teaching  concerning  the  nature  and  char¬ 
acter  of  Yahweh  :  ( i )  Hosea  was  not  a  theoretical  mono¬ 
theist,  but  he  may  well  be  called  a  practical  monotheist. 
The  manner  in  which  he  refers  to  Yahweh  as  using  other 
nations  to  carry  out  his  purpose119  makes  it  clear  that 
Hosea  believed  the  power  and  sovereignty  of  Yahweh  to 
extend  over  other  nations.  (2)  If  Yahweh  determines 
the  destiny  of  nations,  it  follows  that  he  is  a  God  of 
supreme  power.120  (3)  The  use  of  this  power  in  Yah- 
weh’s  dealings  with  Israel  and  other  nations  is  deter¬ 
mined  by  ethical  considerations  :  he  will  always  punish 
sin;  righteousness  alone  can  win  his  favor.121  (4)  The 
distinguishing  element  in  Hosea’s  teaching  is  his 

the  tone  of  the  entire  book  shows  that  his  own  domestic  experience  was 
the  means  whereby  God  spoke  to  him  and  supplied  him  with  the  message 
of  Yahweh rs  indestructible  love  for  Israel.  Therefore  Hosea  is  justified 
in  calling  the  impulse  to  marry  Gomer  the  beginning  of  his  prophetic 
ministry. 

118  For  a  more  detailed  discussion  of  Hosea’s  marriage  and  the  various 
interpretations  suggested  see  W.  R.  Harper,  Amos  and  Hosea ,  pp.  208-210. 

119  For  instance,  8.  iff.,  13;  9.  3. 

120  Hosea  assumes  the  possession  of  this  power  by  Yahweh;  there  are 
no  passages  in  Hosea  calling  special  attention  to  it,  such  as  are  found, 
for  instance,  in  Amos  4.  3;  5.  8,  9;  etc. 

121  The  contemporaries  of  Hosea  and  Amos  seemed  to  think  that  since 
Yahweh  had  chosen  them,  he  would  stand  by  them  whatever  their  life 
or  conduct  might  be.  This  misconception  the  eighth-century  prophets 
tried  to  counteract  by  emphasizing  the  ethical  character  of  Yahweh. 

377 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


emphasis  on  the  divine  love,122  which  determines  the 
whole  outlook  of  the  prophet.  Hosea  thinks  of  Yah- 
weh  as  husband  and  father,  with  a  love  such  as  a  hus¬ 
band  may  feel  for  his  wife  or  a  father  for  his  son.123 

2.  Closely  connected  with  and  dependent  upon  Hosea’ s 
conception  of  Yahweh’s  character  is  his  conception  of 
Israel’s  relation  to  Yahweh  and  of  the  service  acceptable 
to  him:  (i)  Israel  is  in  a  peculiar  sense  the  people  of 
Yahweh.  It  became  such  through  divine  choice,  and  the 
union  was  cemented  by  a  covenant  made  at  the  very 
beginning  of  Israel’s  history,  at  the  time  of  the  exodus 
from  Egypt.124  A  covenant  always  involves  mutual 
obligations.  Yahweh  has  met  his  obligations;125  but 
Israel  has  “transgressed”  the  covenant,126  until  Yahweh 
must  set  it  aside,  at  least  for  a  time.127  (2)  Concern¬ 
ing  the  service  of  Yahweh  the  popular  conception  in  the 
eighth  century  seems  to  have  been  that  the  bringing  of 
sacrifices  and  offerings  met  all  religious  requirements. 
Against  this  misapprehension  Hosea  boldly  raised  his 
voice:128  The  ceremonial  is  only  a  means  to  an  end, 
and,  therefore,  secondary;  even  at  its  best  it  can  never 
take  the  place  of  pure  and  undefiled  religion;  if  it  ever 
displaces  the  weightier  matters,  it  becomes  an  abomina¬ 
tion.  In  order  to  secure  the  divine  approbation  worship 
must  be  backed  by  a  right  spirit  and  pure  life.  This 

122  A  favorite  word  with  Hosea  is  hesedh,  “loving-kindness.”  The  word 
is  used  to  express  (1)  the  loving  attitude  of  Yahweh  to  his  people,  (2) 
the  loving  attitude  of  the  people  toward  Yahweh,  (3)  man’s  loving  at¬ 
titude  toward  his  fellows,  as  a  reflection  of  the  divine  love. 

123  2.  19,  20;  11.  1,  8;  compare  6.  4. 

124  9.  10;  II.  1-4;  12.  9;  13.  4. 

126  2.  8;  7.  15;  8.  12;  10.  1-11 ;  12.  8,  10;  13.  4-6. 

126  6.  7;  8.1;  9.  10;  10.  9;  13.  2. 

127  9.  15;  compare  2.  9ff. 

128  6.  6;  compare  5.  6. 


378 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


principle  needed  to  be  emphasized  by  Hosea  the  more 
strongly  because  in  his  days  the  ceremonial  was  far  from 
being  at  its  best,  for  the  religious  celebrations  were  ac¬ 
companied  by  all  manner  of  excesses.129  Indeed,  true 
Yahweh  worship  was  practically  unknown;  the  services 
in  honor  of  Yahweh  had  become  so  mixed  with  Canaanit- 
ish  elements  that  in  reality  they  had  deteriorated  into  a 
worship  of  the  native  Baalim.130 

3.  Other  characteristic  points  in  the  prophet’s  teach¬ 
ing  are  connected  with  his  promises  of  restoration.  The 
religious,  moral,  and  political  apostasy  made  judgment 
inevitable  ;  but  Yahweh’s  love  is  unquenchable — in  wrath 
he  will  remember  mercy.  The  nation  must  die,  but  it 
will  live  again.  Hosea  pictures  the  future  in  the  bright¬ 
est  colors :  ( 1 )  While  Hosea  looks  for  extraordinary 
external  prosperity,131  the  supreme  goal  of  his  aspira¬ 
tions  is  the  reestablishment  of  a  fellowship  of  life  and 
love  with  Yahweh,  a  fellowship  that  will  make  it  pos¬ 
sible  for  the  divine  purpose  concerning  Israel  to  be  com¬ 
pletely  realized.132  (2)  Hosea  emphasizes  heartfelt 
repentance  as  a  condition  of  restoration.133  Repentance, 

129  4.  I2ff.;  6.  7ff. 

130  2.  5ff.;  4.  12'ff.;  8.  4ft.;  9.  9;  13.  2. 

The  question  has  sometimes  been  raised  whether  Hosea  condemned 
calf  worship  and  worship  at  the  local  shrines  as  such;  in  other  words, 
whether  Hosea  considered  the  worship  of  Yahweh  in  the  Temple  in  Jeru¬ 
salem  to  be  the  only  legitimate  form  of  worship.  The  question  cannot  be 
answered  dogmatically.  Since  the  calf  worship  and,  indeed,  the  worship 
at  all  the  local  sanctuaries  was  hopelessly  corrupt,  it  is  not  impossible 
that  the  prophet  condemned  the  local  sanctuaries  simply  on  account  of 
the  accompanying  corrupt  practices,  just  as  Isaiah  (1.  15)  condemned 
prayer  because  of  the  sinfulness  of  those  who  prayed. 

131  2.  21,  22;  14.  5-8;  compare  Amos  9.  13. 

132  2.  14,  19,  20;  14.  1-3;  compare  6.  1-3. 

133  Of  course,  Hosea  thinks,  not  of  individual,  but  of  national  re¬ 
pentance. 


379 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


according  to  Hosea,  involves  a  sense  of  sin,  sorrow  for 
wrongdoing,  and  an  earnest  determination  to  live  hence¬ 
forth  in  a  manner  acceptable  to  Yahweh,134  who  despises 
sham  repentance.135  (3)  Hosea  is  silent  concerning  the 
destiny  of  non-Israelitish  nations;  in  describing  the 
glories  of  the  future  he  confines  himself  to  the  fortunes 
of  the  chosen  people.  (4)  There  are  two  passages  in 
which  the  personal  Messianic  element  appears.136  Un¬ 
fortunately,  the  genuineness  of  both  passages  is  open  to 
question;  but  the  arguments  against  at  least  one  of  the 
passages,  3.  5,  are  by  no  means  conclusive.  In  other 
words,  Hosea  may  be  the  first  prophet  to  mention  the 
ideal  king,  who  plays  such  a  prominent  role  in  the  hopes 
of  subsequent  generations.137 


2.  The  Book  of  Joel 

Name  and  Personality  of  the  Prophet.  The  author  is 
called  Joel,  the  son  of  Pethuel.1  The  Hebrew  name, 
3KT,  Yocl2  means  “Yahweh  is  God,”3  and,  like  the  name 


134 14.  1-3. 

135  6.  4ff. 

136  1.  11 ;  3.  5. 

137  Some  commentators  interpret  “David”  as  equivalent  to  “dynasty 
of  David,”  thus  denying  the  presence  of  a  personal  element;  however, 
the  personal  interpretation  is  far  more  natural.  The  name  “David”  is 
meant  to  suggest  the  character  of  the  future  king.  In  the  words  of 
Kirkpatrick:  “David  must  mean,  not  merely  a  prince  of  David’s  line, 
but  a  second  David,  one  who  corresponds  to  David  as  the  man  after 
God's  own  heart,  and  who,  as  is  plain  from  the  position  he  occupies,  is  to 
be  Jehovah’s  true  representative”  ( Doctrine  of  the  Prophets,  p.  139). 

1  Joel  1.  1. 

2  Septuagint  ’IwijX,  I  del,  Vulgate,  Ioel. 

5  Compare  the  name  Elijah,  which  has  a  similar  meaning,  “My  God 
is  Yahweh.” 


380 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


Micah,  may  contain  a  confession  of  faith  on  the  part  of 
the  child’s  parents.* * * 4 

Of  the  personal  history  of  Joel  nothing  is  known 
beyond  what  may  be  gathered  from  the  prophecy  itself.5 
The  message  centers  around  Jerusalem  and  Judah;  and 
the  manner  in  which  he  refers  to  the  land  and  the  city 
— Zion,6  the  children  of  Zion,7  Judah  and  Jerusalem,8 
the  children  of  Judah  and  Jerusalem9 — makes  it  probable 
that  his  home  was  in  southern  Palestine,  perhaps  in  Jeru¬ 
salem.  He  displays  intimate  acquaintance  with  the 
Temple  and  its  service  and  personnel,10  but  the  character 
of  his  references  to  the  priests  would  seem  to  indicate 
that  he  was  not  one  of  them.  Of  Pethuel,11  Joel’s  father, 
nothing  is  known.12 

Contents  and  Outline.  The  utterances  of  Joel  were 
called  forth  by  what  seems  to  have  been  a  threefold 
calamity — locusts,13  drought,14  and  conflagrations;15  but 

4  This  is  undoubtedly  the  meaning  given  to  the  name  by  the  later 

Jews;  but  that  this  is  the  original  meaning  is  not  beyond  question. 

Several  scholars — E.  Nestle,  Eigennamen ,  p.  86;  W.  R.  Smith,  Kinship 
and  Marriage  in  Early  Arabia ,  p.  301;  G.  B.  Gray,  Hebrew  Proper 

Names ,  p.  153 — suggest  a  connection  with  the  Arabian  deity  Wail. 

6  Thirteen  other  persons  bearing  the  name  are  mentioned  in  the  Old 
Testament,  but  the  prophet  cannot  be  identified  with  any  one  of  them. 

6  2.  1,  15,  32;  3.  16,  17,21. 

7  2.  23. 

8  2.  32;  3.  1,  16,  1 7,  18,  20. 

9  3*  6,  8,  19* 

10  1.9, 13,  14,  16;  2.  14,  17. 

11  In  some  of  the  ancient  versions  the  name  appears  as  Bethuel  or 
Bathuel;  which  has  led  Cheyne  to  suggest  that  the  name  is  a  corruption 
of  “Tubal,”  the  name  of  a  north- Arabian  tribe. 

12  The  name  of  the  father  was  probably  added  to  distinguish  the 
prophet  from  the  other  men  bearing  the  same  name. 

13  1.  4. 

14  1.  16-18. 

16  1.  19,  20. 

381 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


the  horizon  of  the  prophet16  was  not  limited  by  that 
calamity;  on  the  contrary,  his  chief  interest  was  in  a 
manifestation  of  Yahweh  which,  while  still  in  the  future, 
was,  in  the  prophet’s  conception,  near  at  hand.  This 
manifestation  he  connected  with  the  day  of  Yahweh,  and 
during  the  entire  discussion  he  kept  this  day  prominently 
before  his  hearers  and  readers.  The  prophecy  falls 
naturally  into  two  parts,  i.  i  to  2.  17  and  2.  18  to  3.  21. 17 
The  first  part  consists  of  two  discourses,  which,  how¬ 
ever,  center  around  one  and  the  same  theme,  namely,  a 
plague  of  locusts.  The  destruction  wrought  by  the 
swarms  of  locusts  convinces  the  prophet  that  the  terrible 
day  of  Yahweh  is  at  hand.  Though  near  at  hand,  it  is 
not  too  late  to  avert  its  terrors  ;  hence  the  prophet  sum¬ 
mons  the  people  to  repentance. 

With  2.  17  the  first  division  of  the  book  closes.  Here 
we  must  assume  an  interval  during  which  the  assembly 
urged  by  the  prophet  was  held  and  solemn  rites  of  peni¬ 
tence  and  humiliation  were  observed.  In  the  second 
part,  2.  18  to  3.  21,  Yahweh  is  introduced  as  replying 
to  the  petition  of  the  penitent  people :  He  will  remove  the 
plague  and  bestow  abundant  temporal  prosperity  and 
rich  spiritual  gifts  upon  his  people.  When  the  day  of 
Yahweh  finally  comes  its  terrors  will  fall  not  upon  Israel, 
but  upon  the  nations  that  have  wronged  the  heritage  of 
Yahweh. 

Title:  The  author  of  the  prophecy  (1.  1). 

I.  The  Harbinger  of  the  Day  of  Yahweh  (1.  2  to  2.  17). 

1.  Scourge  of  locusts,  drought,  and  fire  (1.  2-20). 

18  Or,  at  least,  of  the  book  in  its  present  form. 

17  The  Hebrew  text  is  divided  into  four  chapters.  The  five  verses 
which  in  English  appear  as  2.  28-32  form  in  Hebrew  chapter  3;  which 
makes  chapter  3  in  the  English  text  chapter  4  in  Hebrew. 

382 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


(1)  Graphic  description  of  the  scourge  (i.  2-4). 

(2)  Call  upon  various  classes  to  mourn  (1.  5-12). 

Because 

a.  All  luxuries  are  cut  off  (1.  5 -7). 

b.  The  worship  of  Yahweh  is  interrupted  (1.  8-10). 

c.  Means  for  the  sustenance  of  life  are  lacking  (1.  11, 

12). 

(3)  Exhortation  to  repentance  (1.  13,  14). 

(4)  The  awful  calamity  the  forerunner  of  the  day  of  Yahweh 

— Prayer  for  mercy  (1.  15-20). 

2.  The  scourge  the  forerunner  of  the  Day  of  Judgment; 
high  time  for  repentance  (2.  1-17). 

(1)  More  vivid  description  of  the  calamity  (2.  1-11). 

(2)  Urgent  exhortation  to  repentance  (2.  12-17). 

f  II.  The  Day  of  Yahweh  a  Day  of  Blessing  to  Israel,  a  Day  of 
Terror  to  Her  Enemies  (2.  18  to  3.  21). 

1.  The  people’s  repentance  (implied)  ;  Yahweh’s  gracious  change  of 

purpose  (2.  18). 

2.  Blessings  promised  (2.  19-29). 

(1)  Temporal  blessings  (2.  19-26). 

(2)  Spiritual  blessings  (2.  27-29). 

a.  Restoration  of  Yahweh’s  presence  (2.  27). 

b.  Outpouring  of  the  divine  spirit  (2.  28,  29). 

3.  Signs  of  the  approaching  judgment  (2.  30,  31). 

4.  Escape  of  a  remnant  (2.  32). 

5.  Judgment  on  the  nations  (3.  i-i6a). 

(1)  All  wrongs  committed  against  the  people  of  Yahweh  to 

be  avenged  (3.  1-3). 

(2)  The  bitterest  enemies  to  suffer  the  severest  punishment 

(3.  4-8). 

(3)  Description  of  the  Judgment  scene  (3.  9-i6a). 

6.  Glorification  of  the  people  of  Yahweh:  Israel’s  final  felicity  con¬ 

trasted  with  the  desolation  of  her  enemies  (3.  i6b-2i). 

Unity  of  the  Book.  The  book  of  Joel  has  commonly 
been  accepted  as  the  work  of  one  author.  However,  in 
1872  M.  Vernes  suggested  that  2.  28  to  3.  21, 
— in  Hebrew,  chapters  3  and  4 — were  not  written  by  the 

383 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


author  of  I.  2  to  2.  27,- — in  Hebrew,  chapters  1,  2. 18 
Subsequently  he  restated  this  position,19  but  in  1880  he 
modified  his  view,  and  while  still  maintaining  the  strik¬ 
ing  differences  between  the  two  sections,  he  no  longer 
insisted  on  difference  of  authorship.20  Independently  of 
Vernes,  in  1896  J.  W.  Rothstein  attempted  to  prove 
that  the  book  was  not  a  literary  unit.21  He  based  his 
argument  chiefly  upon  the  difference  in  historical  back¬ 
ground,  of  which  a  comparison  of  1.  1  to  2.  27  with  2. 
28  to  3.  21  convinced  him.  He  pointed  out,  among 
other  things,  that  in  the  first  part  the  state  and  the  nation 
are  pictured  in  healthy  political  condition ;  the  only 
calamity  mentioned  is  a  terrible  plague  of  locusts  and 
drought;  more  severe  judgment  is  to  be  withheld  if  the 
people  repent  and  turn  to  Yahweh.  Rothstein  was  in¬ 
clined  to  assign  this  section  to  the  preexilic  period.  The 
background  of  2.  28  to  3.  21  he  supposed  to  be  purely 
political :  The  nation  no  longer  enjoys  safety  from  for¬ 
eign  foes;  the  people  of  Yahweh  are  represented  as  in 
distress,  and,  evidently,  many  are  in  exile.  Consequently, 
Rothstein  assigned  these  verses  to  a  postexilic  date. 

Nowack,  Marti,  and  other  writers  have  questioned  the 
validity  of  Vernes’  and  Rothstein’ s  objections  and  have 
argued  in  favor  of  literary  unity,22  and  their  discus¬ 
sions  may  still  be  regarded  as  representing  the  more 
commonly  accepted  view.  Others,  among  them  several 

18  Le  Peuple  d' Israel  et  ses  Esperances,  pp.  46-54,  162,  163. 

18  Histoire  des  Idees  Messianiques,  pp.  13,  14. 

20  Melanges  de  Critique  Religieuse ,  pp.  218-228. 

21  In  the  German  translation  of  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction  to  the 
Literature  of  the  Old  Testament ,  pp.  333,  334. 

22  The  former  in  his  commentary  on  Die  Kleinen  Propheten ,  the 
latter  in  Das  Dodekapropheton;  compare  also  Marti  in  Kautzsch, 
Die  Heilige  Schrift  des  Alten  Testaments. 

384 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


more  recent  writers,  are  agreed  that  the  book  in  its 
present  form  cannot  be  the  work  of  a  single  writer, 
though  they  are  not  agreed  as  to  the  extent  of  the 
secondary  material.23  Bewer,  after  a  careful,  detailed 
study  of  the  book  reaches  the  following  conclusions :  (i) 
Joel  wrote  chapters  i  and  224  and  3.  i-4a;  4.  2a,  9~i4a;25 
(2)  an  editor  wrote  the  remainder,  connecting  chapters 
1  and  2  with  chapters  3  and  4  by  a  series  of  interpola¬ 
tions,  which  are  characterized,  as  is  all  his  work,  by  de¬ 
pendence  on  other  prophecies ;  ( 3 )  the  paragraph  4.  4-8 
is  a  still  later  insertion.26  The  problems  involved  in  this 
discussion  are  so  complex  that  they  can  be  discussed  only 
in  connection  with  a  detailed  exegetical  study,  such  as 
may  be  found,  for  instance,  in  Bewer’s  commentary. 
The  present  writer  believes  that  both  divisions  of  the 
book  may  be  traced,  in  their  essence,  to  Joel,  but  that 
both  parts  have  suffered  from  later  modifications,  expan¬ 
sions,  and  interpolations. 

Date  of  the  Book.  Perhaps  no  other  book  in  the  Old 
Testament  has  been  assigned  to  as  many  different  dates 
as  has  the  prophecy  of  Joel.  Even  during  the  past  half 
century,  when  investigation  has  proceeded  on  scientific 
principles,  scholars  have  differed  regarding  its  date  by 
a  space  of  more  than  five  centuries.  In  other  words,  the 
book  has  been  dated  as  early  as  the  reign  of  Rehoboam, 


23  Ryssel  agrees  essentially  with  Rothstein;  Sievers  denies  to  Joel,  in 
addition  to  some  minor  interpolations,  2.  12-14,  19-27;  3.  1-5;  4.  1-8, 
17-21;  Duhm  rejects  the  whole  of  2.  18  to  4.  21. 

24  Except  1.  15;  2.  ib,  2,  6,  10,  11,  27. 

25  Bewer,  like  the  authors  named  in  note  23,  follows  the  Hebrew 
arrangement  of  the  text;  in  English  the  corresponding  verses  are  2.  28- 
31a;  3.  2a,  9- 1 4a. 

26  Joel,  p.  56.  The  question  of  unity  is  discussed  at  some  length  on 
PP-  49-56. 

38S 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


| the  son  of  Solomon,  that  is,  before  900  b.  c.,  and  as  late 
as  the  fourth  century  b.  cv  and,  parts  of  it,  even  later.27 
Moreover,  it  has  been  dated  in  practically  every  century 
between  these  extremes.  There  'are,  however,  two 
periods  around  which  the  most  earnest  efforts  to  fix  the 
date  of  Joel  may  be  grouped:28  (1)  The  minority  of 
King  Joash,  or  Jehoash,  of  Judah,  about  830  b.  c.;29  (2) 
the  late  Persian  period,  about  400  b.  c.30 

The  wide  divergence  of  opinion  is  due  entirely  to  the 
absence  of  decisive  data  on  which  conclusions  may  be 

27  Scholars  who  ascribe  the  contents  to  more  than  one  author  have  to 
find  suitable  dates  for  the  several  sections.  Vernes  was  inclined  to 
place  both  contributors  in  the  fourth  century;  Rothstein  assigned  the 
first  part  to  the  reign  of  Joash,  about  830  b.  c.,  the  second  to  the 
postexilic  period;  Ryssel  dated  the  first  part  before  Amos,  the  second  in 
the  time  of  the  Ptolemies;  Duhm  favored  the  fourth  century  for  1.  1 
to  2.  17,  but  a  much  later  date  for  the  rest  of  the  book.  Bewer  places 
Joel  about  400  b.  c.  and  the  editors  responsible  for  the  later  additions 
a  few  decades  later. 

28  A  few  writers,  like  Calvin  and  Ryle,  have  been  ready  to  admit  that 
the  date  cannot  be  determined. 

29  Compare  2  Kings  11  and  12.  This  date  was  first  defended  with 
much  ability  by  Credner  in  1831;  he  was  followed  by  Ewald,  Hitzig, 
Bleek,  Delitzsch,  Keil,  and  others.  Among  more  recent  defenders  of 
this  early  date  are  Kirkpatrick,  von  Orelli,  Beecher,  Robertson,  Sinker, 
Cameron,  and,  less  positively,  von  Baudissin.  A  later  date  in  the 
preexilic  period  is  suggested  by  Koenig:  “Unquestionable  indications 
point  to  the  seventh  century,  and  probable  indications  to  the  last  years 
of  Josiah,  or  perhaps  to  those  immediately  following.”  Compare  also 
Strack,  Einleitung ,  p.  100. 

30  The  postexilic  date  was  first  proposed  by  Vatke  in  1835;  he  was 
followed  by  Hilgenfeld  in  1866,  Duhm  in  1875,  and,  in  1879,  by  Merx, 
to  whom  belongs  much  of  the  credit  of  having  established  the  theory  of 
a  postexilic  date  on  a  firm  basis.  Since  then  the  great  majority  of  Old 
Testament  scholars  have  declared  themselves  in  favor  of  a  postexilic 
date  or  dates — among  them  Kuenen,  A.  B.  Davidson,  Driver,  Well- 
hausen,  W.  R.  Smith,  Holzinger,  Farrar,  G.  B.  Gray,  Kautzsch,  Comill, 
Wildeboer,  G.  A.  Smith,  Nowack,  Briggs,  Marti,  R.  W.  Rogers,  H.  P. 
Smith,  Bennett,  W.  R.  Harper,  Vernes,  Bewer,  Kent,  and  many  more. 

386 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


based.  External  evidence  is  entirely  lacking,  unless  we 
regard  as  external  evidence  the  position  of  the  book  in 
the  series  of  the  Minor  Prophets.  Arguing  from  this 
position,  Jerome  made  Joel  a  contemporary  of  Hosea,  for 
he  adopted  the  rule  that,  whenever  there  is  no  certain 
proof  of  the  time  in  which  a  prophet  lived,  we  are  to  be 
directed  in  our  conjectures  by  the  time  of  the  pre¬ 
ceding  prophet  whose  date  is  better  known.  The  internal 
-evidence  is  fourfold :  ( i )  The  historical  situation  stated 
or  implied;  (2)  theological  ideas  expressed  or  reflected; 

(3)  literary  parallels  with  other  Old  Testament  books; 

(4)  linguistic  and  stylistic  peculiarities. 

1.  Historical  situation  stated  or  implied:  The  prophet 
speaks  of  a  great  famine,31  due  to  the  devastation  of  the 
land  by  swarms  of  locusts,32  drought,33  and,  perhaps, 
conflagrations.34  Egypt  and  Edom  are  denounced  for 
shedding  “innocent  blood”;35  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Philistia 
are  said  to  have  been  the  chief  offenders  in  the  ill  treat¬ 
ment  of  the  Israelites  :  they  have  taken  the  silver  and 
gold  of  Yahweh;  his  “precious  things”  they  have  carried 
into  their  temples;  and  they  have  sold  Jews  as  slaves  to 
the  Greeks.36  The  “heritage”  of  Yahweh  is  described  as 
“scattered  among  the  nations”  that  have  “parted”  his 
land.37  The  term  “Israel”  is  used  in  the  sense  of 
“Judah,”  as  representing  the  entire  chosen  people.38 
Elders  and  priests  are  prominent.39  The  valley  of 

31 1.  11,  12. 

32  1.  4,  6,  16;  2.  4-11 ;  etc. 

33 1.  17ft. 

34 1.  20. 

36  3-  19* 

36  3.  4-6. 

37  3.  2. 

38  Compare  2.  23  with  2.  27;  3.  1  with  3.  2;  3.  16b  with  3.  16a,  17. 

*9  I-  9,  13,  Hi  2.  17. 

387 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


Jehoshaphat  is  the  scene  of  the  final  conflict.40  The 
silence  of  Joel  on  certain  points  may  not  be  without 
significance :  He  makes  no  mention  of  a  king  or  of  princes, 
the  northern  kingdom  is  disregarded,  the  long-time 
enemies  of  Israel — the  Assyrians,  the  Syrians,  and  the 
Chaldeans — appear  nowhere  on  the  scene. 

2.  Theological  ideas  expressed  or  reflected:  The  Law 
is  not  mentioned,  but  there  is  much  insistence  on  some  of 
its  requirements.41  Great  consternation  is  felt  over  the 
cutting  off  of  the  meal  offering  and  the  drink  offering;42 
while  the  greatest  blessing  that  Yahweh  can  grant  in 
response  to  the  prayers  of  penitence  is  the  restoration  of 
the  daily  sacrifice.43  The  formal  fast  and  the  solemn 
assembly  play  an  important  part.44  The  interest  in  the 
religious  cult  is  very  prominent.45  In  summoning  the 
people  to  repentance  Joel  calls  upon  the  priests  to  take 
the  initiative.40  There  is  no  thought  of  the  conversion  of 
the  nations;47  and  the  outpouring  of  the  Divine  Spirit 
is  restricted  to  the  households  of  Judah.48  Throughout 
the  book  the  day  of  Yahweh  occupies  a  central  place. 
Attention  may  also  be  called  to  the  silence  of  Joel  con¬ 
cerning  specific  sins,  such  as  worship  on  the  high  places, 
and  a  future  exile  as  a  divine  means  of  purification. 

3.  Literary  parallels  with  other  Old-Testament  hooks. 
The  short  book  of  Joel,  containing  only  seventy-three 
verses,  presents  a  remarkable  number  of  parallels  with 
other  Old  Testament  writings.  Compare,  for  instance. 
1.  15  and  3.  14  with  Isa.  13.  6  and  Ezek.  30.  2,  3  and 
Zeph.  1.  7;  2.  1,  2  with  Zeph.  1.  14,  15;  2.  3  with  Ezek. 


41 1.  9,  13,  14;  2.  12-17. 
42 1.  9,  13,  16;  2.  14. 

43  2.  14. 

44 1.  14;  2.  15ft. 


45 1.  9,  13,  14;  2.  12-17. 
48 1.  13;  2.  17. 

47  Compare  chapter  3. 

48  2.  29. 

388 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


36.  35 ;  2.  6  with  Nah.  2.  10;  2.  17  with  Psa.  42.  2,  9  and 
79.  10  and  1 15.  2;  2.  27  and  3.  17  with  Ezek.  36.  11 
and  other  passages  in  the  same  book;  also  with  Lev.  18. 
2,  4,  30,  etc.;  2.  28  with  Ezek.  39.  29;  2.  32  and  3.  17 
with  Obad.  17;  3.  2  with  Ezek.  38.  22;  3.  3  with  Obad. 
11  and  Nah.  3.  10;  3.  4,  14  with  Obad.  15;  3.  10  with 
Isa.  2.  4  and  Mic.  4.  3;  3.  16  with  Amos  1.  2;  3.  17 
with  Ezek.  36.  11  and  Obad.  17;  3.  18  with  Amos  9. 
13;  3.  19  with  Obad.  10.  Altogether  about  twenty 
parallels  may  be  noted. 

4.  Linguistic  and  stylistic  characteristics.  Like  every 
writer,  Joel  has  his  own  linguistic  peculiarities.  His 
style  is  smooth  and  flowing,  he  uses  peculiar  construc¬ 
tions,  gives  uncommon  meanings  to  common  words, 
uses  several  words  not  common  in  Hebrew  but  widely 
used  in  Aramaic,  and  some  of  his  words,  phrases,  and 
constructions  are  found  again  only  in  the  later  literature 
of  the  Old  Testament. 

In  view  of  the  diversity  of  opinion  regarding  the  char¬ 
acter  and  weight  of  the  evidence  presented  in  the  preced¬ 
ing  paragraphs  it  may  be  well  to  consider  it  somewhat 
more  in  detail.  As  has  been  pointed  out,  the  only  bit  of 
external  evidence  is  the  position  of  the  book  in  the  col¬ 
lection  of  Minor  Prophets.  The  fact  that  Joel  occupies 
second  place  has  been  thought  by  some  to  raise  a  strong 
presumption  in  favor  of  an  early  date;  to  others  it  has 
seemed  of  sufficient  significance  to  exclude  even  the  pos¬ 
sibility  of  a  postexilic  date.  However,  the  position  of 
the  book  is  by  no  means  conclusive.  The  arrangement 
of  the  Minor  Prophets,  while  in  the  main  intended  to 
be  chronological,  cannot  be  followed  implicitly  when  a 
question  of  date  is  under  consideration.  Even  those 
who  rely  upon  the  argument  admit  the  uncertainty;  else, 

389 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


why  do  they  place  Joel  before  Hosea — in  the  days  of 
Joash — or  after  Amos,  Micah,  Nahum,  and  Zephaniah 
— in  the  later  years  of  Josiah — when  in  the  list  of  Minor 
Prophets  the  book  occupies  second  place?49  Evidently, 
the  one  bit  of  external  evidence  has  little  force. 

The  use  of  the  internal  evidence  is  beset  with  many 
difficulties,  for  almost  every  statement  presenting  such 
evidence  is  capable  of  more  than  one  interpretation : 

i.  Locusts,  drought,  and  jungle  fires  have  been  the 
curse  of  Palestine  from  the  earliest  times  to  the  present; 
hence  the  prevalence  of  these  plagues  at  the  time  Joels 
prophecies  were  uttered  helps  but  little  in  the  attempt  to 
fix  the  time  of  the  prophefls  activity.  True,  it  is 
claimed  that  the  prophePs  absorption  in  the  ravages 
of  the  locusts  reflects  the  feeling  of  a  purely  agricultural 
community,  such  as  Israel  was  before  the  eighth  century 
b.  c.,  but  an  exactly  similar  condition  existed  in  Palestine 
during  part  of  the  Persian  period.  The  silence  of  the 
prophet  concerning  the  Syrians,  Assyrians,  and  Chal¬ 
deans  points  either  to  a  very  early  or  to  a  very  late 
period;  either  to  a  time  when  these  nations  had  not  yet 
exerted  any  influence  on  Judah  or  when  they  had  again 
disappeared  from  the  scene.50  The  nations  condemned 


49  It  is  universally  agreed  that  chronologically  Amos  preceded  Hosea, 
while  canonically  he  follows;  moreover,  Obadiah  and  Jonah  are  later 
than  Micah,  who  follows  them  in  the  collection  of  Minor  Prophets. 

60  In  the  days  of  Joash  Assyria  and  Babylon  had  not  yet  come  into 
serious  conflict  with  Judah.  But  even  before  the  time  of  Joash  Judah 
had  been  drawn  into  conflict  with  Syria  (2  Kings  8.  25!!.) ;  and  again 
during  the  reign  of  this  king  the  former  suffered  severely  at  the  hands 
of  the  latter  (2  Kings  12.  1 7ff .) ;  it  is  quite  probable,  therefore,  that  even 
during  the  minority  of  Joash  danger  was  threatening;  which  means 
that  the  silence  concerning  Syria  may  point  to  a  different  period.  In 
postexilic  times  the  three  nations  had  ceased  to  be  world  powers,  and 
silence  concerning  them  would  be  perfectly  intelligible. 

390 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


are  Egypt,  Edom,  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Philistia.  The 
defenders  of  the  early  date  explain  the  charge  against 
Egypt  by  Shishak’s  invasion  of  Judah  about  a  century 
before  the  time  of  Joash,51  that  against  Edom  by  the 
latter’s  revolt  against  Jehoram,  about  848  b.  c.52  The 
condemnation  of  the  Philistines  is  justified  by  their  attack 
upon  Israel  at  about  the  same  time.53  The  Phoenicians 
do  not  appear  as  enemies  of  Judah  in  the  early  historical 
books  but  since  they  are  condemned  as  treacherous  slave 
traders  by  Amos,54  they  may  have  been  guilty  of  cruelty 
against  Hebrews  at  the  earlier  date.55  In  exilic  and  post- 
exilic  times  the  Edomites  showed  themselves  intensely 
hostile  to  the  Jews;56  Tyre  and  Sidon  carried  on  an 
active  slave  trade;  Egypt  was  an  old-time  enemy  of 
Judah,  who  might  equally  well  be  mentioned  after  the 
exile  as  before.  The  postexilic  theory  finds  it  difficult 
to  account  for  the  condemnation  of  Philistia,  for  no 
expression  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  Philistines 
against  the  Jews  is  known  during  the  Persian  age.57 

The  Phoenicians  sold  their  slaves  to  the  Greeks.58 
Intercourse  between  the  two  nations  was  more  common 
in  postexilic  times  than  in  the  ninth  century  b.  c.  More- 

61  1  Kings  14.  25S. 

62  2  Kings  8.  20-22. 

63  2  Chron.  21.  i6ff. 

64  Amos  1.  9,  10. 

65  Amos  does  not  state  that  the  slaves  were  stolen  from  Judah;  hence 
the  theory  of  an  early  date  leaves  the  reference  to  the  Phoenicians 
obscure. 

66  Ezek.  25.  I2ff.;  Psa.  137.  7;  etc. 

67  On  either  theory  difficulties  remain,  which  must  be  traced  to  the 
incompleteness  of  the  historical  records.  There  is  no  reason  for  believing 
that  the  biblical  historians  purposed  to  narrate  every  event  in  the 
nation’s  history. 

68  3.  6. 


391 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


over,  during  the  later  period  slave  trade  was  carried  on 
between  the  two  nations ;  at  the  same  time  the  possibility 
of  commercial  intercourse  centuries  earlier  cannot  be 
denied.59  Absence  of  any  mention  of  the  northern  king¬ 
dom  may  be  explained  by  the  exclusiveness  of  the 
vision  and  mission  of  Joel:  he  was  a  prophet  of  Judah, 
whose  interest  was  confined  to  Judah;  why  should  he 
name  Israel  ?  Besides,  the  feeling  between  the  two  king¬ 
doms  at  this  early  time  was  not  very  cordial,  which 
would  explain  the  silence  of  a  southern  prophet  con¬ 
cerning  the  north.  The  use  of  “Israel”  as  a  designa¬ 
tion  of  the  whole  people  may  be  explained  in  a  similar 
manner.  On  the  other  hand,  it  would  be  equally  legiti¬ 
mate  to  explain  the  silence  as  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
northern  kingdom  was  no  longer  in  existence,  which 
would  point  to  a  date  subsequent  to  722  or  even  586  b.  c. 

The  most  important  historical  references  appear  in  3. 
1,  2,  5.  Those  who  favor  the  early  date  give  the  fol¬ 
lowing  explanation :  “I  shall  bring  back  the  captivity”  is 
a  phrase  used  as  early  as  the  time  of  Amos  and  Hosea,60 
and  therefore  does  not  necessarily  presuppose  the  exile 
as  a  fact  of  history;  moreover,  the  phrase  may  be  trans¬ 
lated  “I  will  restore  the  fortune,”  with  no  specific  refer¬ 
ence  to  an  exile.  The  dispersion  among  the  nations  is 
interpreted  as  referring,  not  to  the  dispersion  of  the 
entire  nation,61  but,  “rather,  to  the  sale  of  captives  as 
slaves  to  distant  nations.”62  The  division  of  the  land 
is  explained  by  the  successes  of  the  Philistines,  the 

59  The  name  Yawan,  “Greece,”  occurs  on  the  Tel-el-Amama  tablets, 
about  1400  b.  c.;  however,  the  form  of  the  name  in  Joel  points  to  a 
late  date. 

60  Amos  9.  14;  Hos.  6.  11. 

61  In  722  or  597  or  586  b.  c. 

e2  Compare  Amos  1.  6,  9. 


392 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


Edomites,  and  other  surrounding  nations  during  the 
reign  of  Jehoram. 

These  explanations,  however,  fail  to  do  justice  to  the 
language  of  3.  1-5.  True,  “I  shall  bring  back  the  cap¬ 
tivity,”  is  more  or  less  ambiguous,  but  the  definite  state¬ 
ment,  “my  heritage  Israel,  whom  they  have  scattered 
among  the  nations,  and  parted  my  land,”  presupposes  a 
more  serious  calamity  than  was  suffered  in  the  ninth  cen¬ 
tury  or  earlier.  Moreover,  verse  5  implies  the  plunder 
of  the  Temple  itself.  All  these  expressions  become  per¬ 
fectly  intelligible  if  uttered  after  the  destruction  of  the 
city  and  the  Temple  in  586  b.  c.,  but  there  is  no  calamity 
in  the  history  of  Judah  before  that  event  of  which  such 
language  could  be  used.  Another  link  in  the  historical 
argument  is  the  absence  of  all  reference  to  a  king  or  to 
princes,  while  elders,  and  especially  priests,  are  promi¬ 
nent.  This  points  to  a  period  when  there  was  no  king 
— during  and  after  the  exile — or  when  the  king  was  not 
in  the  eye  of  the  public — during  the  minority  of  Joash, 
who  came  to  the  throne  in  his  seventh  year.63  The 
valley  of  Jehoshaphat  is  named  as  the  scene  of  the  final 
conflict.  Jehoshaphat  is  said  to  have  gained  a  great  vic¬ 
tory  over  the  combined  forces  of  Moabites,  Ammonites, 
and  Edomites  only  about  a  generation  before  the  time 
of  Joash;64  and  it  is  thought  by  some  that  the  remem¬ 
brance  of  this  recent  event  may  account  for  the  use  of 
the  name.  It  is  more  probable,  however,  that  we  have 
here  no  historical  allusion  at  all,  but  that  the  name  was 
selected  because  of  its  suggestiveness,  “Yahweh  judges.” 

From  this  survey  it  would  appear  that  the  historical 

63  2  Kings  12.  iff.  Of  course,  the  silence  concerning  the  king  may  be 
purely  accidental. 

64  2  Chron.  20.  26. 


393 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


references  and  allusions,  with  one  exception,  may  be 
interpreted  as  pointing,  either  to  an  early  or  to  a  late 
date.  The  exception  is  3.  1-5,  which  receives  a  natural 
interpretation  only  on  the  assumption  that  the  author  is 
looking  back  to  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  in  586  b.  c.  as  an 
accomplished  fact. 

2.  Turning  to  the  theological  ideas  of  the  book,  we 
discover  a  marked  insistence  on  ceremonial  practices  and 
requirements.65  That  the  latter  were  known  in  early 
prophetic  times  cannot  be  doubted  in  the  presence  of 
frequent  references  to  them  in  the  messages  of  the 
eighth-century  prophets;66  but  in  the  emphasis  which 
Joel  places  on  ritual  service  he  differs  very  strikingly 
from  all  the  early  prophets.67  Whenever  the  legislation 
concerning  ritual  and  sacrifices  may  have  originated,  it 
is  a  matter  of  history  that  the  emphasis  upon  the  ritual 
on  the  part  of  the  religious  leaders  did  not  become  wide¬ 
spread  until  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  in  586  b.  c. 
Similarly,  priests  were  the  outstanding  leaders  during 
and  after  the  exile.  The  silence  of  Joel  concerning  high 
places,  idolatry,  and  moral  apostasy  presents  a  strong 
contrast  to  the  vehement  utterances  of  earlier  prophets. 
Not  that  he  omits  the  moral  element  from  his  preaching; 
but  he  emphasizes  the  side  of  religion  which  the  earlier 
prophets  considered  of  little  or  no  consequence,  while  he 
puts  less  stress  than  they  on  purely  ethical  requirements. 
A  very  early  date  or  the  particularistic  spirit  of  the 
later  Judaism  may  account  for  the  prophet’s  attitude  to¬ 
ward  the  nations ;  in  the  same  way,  a  very  early  or  a  very 

86  Compare  1.  9,  13,  14;  2.  12-17. 

68  Compare,  for  instance,  Amos  5.  21-23;  Isa.  1.  11-15. 

87  An  eighth-century  prophet  would  not  have  singled  out  the  bringing 
of  the  meal  offering  and  the  drink  offering  as  the  most  essential 
element  of  religion. 


394 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


late  date  may  explain  the  silence  concerning  a  future 
exile.  A  very  important  element  in  the  prophet’s  teach¬ 
ing  is  the  day  of  Yahweh.  Now,  while  this  day  appears 
in  the  prophetic  thought  at  least  as  early  as  the  eighth 
century,68  the  conception  of  the  day  in  Joel  is  such  that 
it  points  clearly  and  definitely  to  postexilic  times.  Thus, 
while  most  of  the  religious  ideas  expressed  in  the  book 
are  by  no  means  decisive,  they  are  all  more  easily  ac¬ 
counted  for  on  the  hypothesis  that  Joel  was  a  late 
prophet,  while  some  of  them  demand  a  postexilic  date. 

3.  The  literary  parallels  furnish  another  set  of  data. 
When  the  parallels  are  as  numerous  and  striking  as  they 
are  in  this  case,  it  becomes  impossible  to  regard  them  as 
pure  coincidence,  and  we  are  shut  up  to  one  of  two  pos¬ 
sible  conclusions:  Either  Joel  is  a  very  early  and  popular 
book,  constantly  used  by  writers  from  Amos  to  Malachi, 
or  it  is  a  very  late  book  making  extensive  use  of  earlier 
prophecies.  But  why  should  so  many  prophets  whose 
originality  is  beyond  question  borrow  from  this  little 
book  of  seventy-three  verses?  Surely,  there  is  nothing 
in  the  contents  to  give  it  such  extraordinary  influence. 
In  the  study  of  parallel  passages  it  is  always  more  or 
less  difficult  to  state  with  certainty  which  of  two  passages 
may  be  dependent  on  the  other;  in  almost  every  case  the 
student  is  influenced  in  his  final  decision  by  other  con¬ 
siderations;  hence  the  wide  differences  of  opinion  re¬ 
garding  the  bearing  of  the  parallel  passages  on  the  ques¬ 
tion  of  date.  G.  B.  Gray,  for  instance,  reaches  the  con¬ 
clusion  that  Joel  is  the  borrower,69  while  von  Orelli 
insists  that  the  literary  parallels  point  to  a  date  earlier 

68  Compare,  for  instance,  Amos  5.  18-20. 

69  Expositor,  September  1893,  pp.  2o8ff.  “The  Parallel  Passages  in 
Joel  in  Their  Bearing  on  the  Question  of  Date." 

395 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


than  Amos.  Other  scholars  admit  that  no  definite  con¬ 
clusions  can  be  reached.70  A  study  of  the  parallels  is  in¬ 
structive,  but  the  present  writer  ventures  the  assertion 
that  in  no  case  is  it  possible — apart  from  other  considera¬ 
tions — to  state  who  is  the  borrower. 

4.  Language  and  style  present  similar  difficulties. 
Pearson,  who  favors  an  early  date,  writes,  “Joel’s  peculiar 
style  is  certainly  an  early  one.”71  Over  against  this 
Holzinger,  after  the  most  painstaking  examination  of 
the  book,  thinks  himself  justified  in  saying  that  on  the 
basis  of  linguistic  characteristics  alone  the  book  must  be 
assigned  to  the  “youngest  layer  of  Old  Testament  litera¬ 
ture.”72  This  claim  is  called  a  “strange  misrepresenta¬ 
tion”  by  Kirkpatrick,  who,  after  admitting  the  weakness 
of  the  linguistic  argument,  concludes  with  the  statement 
that  “if  any  argument  can  be  drawn  from  it,  it  is  in 
favor  of  an  early  date.”73  In  brief,  the  facts  are  these : 
The  style  of  Joel  is  smooth  and  flowing,  which  may  be 
due  either  to  a  date  during  the  golden  age  of  Hebrew 
prophecy,  or  to  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  earlier 
writers.  The  diction  of  Joel  is  in  the  main  pure  and 
classical,  but  Holzinger  has  conclusively  shown  that  there 
are  peculiarities  in  the  use  of  words  and  in  grammatical 
constructions  which  reveal  considerable  Aramaic  influ- 

70  Compare  the  words  of  Driver,  ‘‘The  parallels  cannot  be  used  for 
determining  the  date  of  Joel;  we  can  only,  after  having  determined  his 
date  on  independent  grounds,  point  to  the  parallels  as  illustrating  either 
his  dependence  upon  other  prophets  or  their  dependence  upon  him 
( Introduction ,  p.  313).  In  his  Commentary  on  Joel  he  states — pp.  I9ff. 
— that  the  literary  parallels  confirm  the  conclusion  reached  on  other 
grounds  that  Joel  is  a  postexilic  prophet. 

71  The  Prophecy  of  Joel ,  p.  107. 

72  Zeitschrift  fuer  Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  1889,  pp.  89-131, 
“Sprachcharakter  und  Abfassungszeit  des  Buches  Joel.” 

73  Doctrine  of  the  Prophets,  p.  73. 

396 


THE  BOOK  OF,  THE  TWELVE 


ence  and  thus  point  rather  to  the  later  period  of  Hebrew 
literature — in  other  words,  to  the  centuries  following  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  in  586  b.  c. 

In  conclusion:  While  many  of  the  relevant  data  are 
inconclusive,  there  are  some,  such  as  the  historical  refer¬ 
ences  in  3.  1-5,  the  emphasis  on  the  more  external  ele¬ 
ments  of  religion,  the  conception  of  the  day  of  Yahweh, 
and  some  linguistic  peculiarities,  which  point  clearly  and 
definitely  to  a  postexilic  date.  The  exact  date  during 
the  later  period  cannot  be  determined,  but  a  date  subse¬ 
quent  to  the  final  establishment  of  the  law  under  Nehe- 
miah,  which  helped  to  produce  the  narrow  exclusiveness 
reflected  in  Joel,  perhaps  about  400  b.  c.,  is  the  most 
probable.74 

Interpretation  of  the  Book.  Much  controversy  has 
centered  around  the  interpretation  of  the  first  part  of 
the  book  of  Joel,75  especially  of  the  description  of  the 
plague  of  locusts  in  2.  1-11.  1.  The  view  commonly  ac¬ 

cepted  in  ancient  times,  which,  however,  finds  little  sup- 
1  port  among  moderns,  regards  the  description  as  allegori¬ 
cal.  The  locusts  are  thought  to  symbolize  hostile  armies ; 
the  four  swarms,  four  attacks  either  by  one  enemy  or  by 
successive  world  powers.  2.  The  picture  of  the  locusts 
has  been  interpreted  as  an  apocalyptic  description  of  the 
terrors  of  the  last  days.  The  locusts  in  chapter  2  are 
understood  to  represent  locusts ;  not,  however,  the  locusts 
of  the  desert,  but  “weird  supernatural  creatures,  a  mys¬ 
terious  host  of  unearthly  warriors.”  3.  According  to  the 

74  If  a  later  revision  is  assumed,  the  reviser  must  have  done  his  work 
not  far  from  this  date.  According  to  Bewer,  “The  book  of  Joel  was 
completed  by  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century  b.  c.  If  we  place  Joel 
himself  at  about  400  b.  c.  and  the  editor  a  few  decades  later,  we  shall 
probably  not  be  far  off  the  mark”  ( Joel ,  pp.  61,  62). 

76  1.  2  to  2.  17. 


397 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


historical  interpretation  the  locusts  are  locusts  such  as 
may  be  seen  in  the  East  to-day,  though  in  chapter  2  the 
presence  of  a  touch  of  poetic  imagination  and  Oriental 
hyperbole  is  recognized.76 

Another  question  that  enters  into  the  interpretation  of 
the  book  is  whether  in  1.  2  to  2.  17  the  prophet  describes 
a  present  plague  or  predicts  a  future  calamity.  The  de¬ 
fenders  of  the  allegorical  view  do  not  agree.  Hilgenfeld 
thinks  that  the  four  swarms  are  to  be  explained  as  re¬ 
ferring  to  the  four  attacks  of  the  Persians  upon  the  Jews, 
in  525,  484,  460,  and  458  b.  c.,  and  he  locates  the  proph¬ 
ecy  near  the  last  mentioned  date.  Pusey,  Hengstenberg, 
and  others  regard  the  calamity  as  still  in  the  future.  The 
former  sees  the  fulfillment  in  the  ravages  of  the 
Assyrians,  Chaldeans,  Macedonians,  and  Romans;  the 
latter  in  the  attacks  of  the  Assyrian-Babylonian,  the 
Persian,  the  Greek,  and  the  Roman  armies.  The 
apocalyptic  view  makes  the  book,  with  the  possible  excep¬ 
tion  of  chapter  1,  a  prediction;  the  plague  described  in 
chapter  2  will  come  as  a  sign  or  accompaniment  of  the 
day  of  Yahweh.  The  historical  theory  sees  in  the  plague 
an  event  of  history  and  experience,  which  formed  the 
occasion  of  the  prophecy;  the  day  of  Yahweh  alone  is 
still  in  the  future. 

Two  questions,  therefore,  are  involved  in  this  dis¬ 
cussion:  1.  Is  1.  2  to  2.  17  to  be  understood  literally  or 
not?  2.  Are  these  verses  to  be  regarded  as  descriptive 
or  predictive? 

In  favor  of  the  allegorical  view  Pusey,  following 
Hengstenberg,  advances  eight  distinct  arguments,  supple¬ 
mented  by  some  minor  considerations  :77  ( 1 )  The  expres- 

76  Especially  in  2.  1-11. 

77  Minor  Prophets ,  pp.  150,  151. 

398 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


sion  “the  northerner”78  cannot  refer  to  locusts,  since 
they  never  invade  Palestine  from  the  north.  (2)  The 
prayer  “Give  not  thine  heritage  to  reproach,  that  the 
nations  should  rule  over  them,”79  obviously  points  to 
fear  of  subjection  by  a  foreign  foe.  (3)  The  enemy  is 
alluded  to  as  possessing  moral  responsibility.80  (4)  The 
prophet  speaks  of  fire,  flame,  and  drought,81  which  proves 
that  he  has  in  mind  something  more  than  a  plague  of 
locusts.  (5)  The  imagery  would  be  too  extravagant,  if 
used  of  a  mere  plague  of  locusts :  a.  Whole  nations  are 
terrified;  b.  the  sun  and  moon  are  darkened,  the  shining 
of  the  stars  is  prevented ;  c.  towns  are  devastated — fields 
are  the  scenes  of  the  destructive  labors  of  the  locusts; 
in  towns  they  are  destroyed.82  (6)  The  effects  of  the 
scourge  are  such  as  do  not  result  from  mere  locusts:  a. 
The  quantity  of  material  used  for  the  meal  offering  and 
drink  offering83  was  so  small  that  even  a  famine  could 
not  occasion  their  discontinuance;  b.  the  promise,  “I  will 
restore  to  you  the  years  that  the  locust  hath  eaten,84  can¬ 
not  refer  to  locusts,  because  they  are  only  a  passing 
scourge;  they  destroy  the  fruit  for  only  one  year,  not 
that  of  several  years;  c.  the  exhortation  to  the  beasts  of 
the  field  to  rejoice  because  the  tree  beareth  her  fruit85 
must  be  a  metaphor,  for  trees  are  not  food  for  cattle; 
d.  the  scourge  is  spoken  of  as  greater  than  any  which 


78  2.  20. 

79  2.  1 7. 

80  1.  6;  2.  18,  20. 

81  1.  19,  20. 

82  He  adds  that,  since  locusts  are  a  common  scourge,  no  one  would  use 
such  extravagant  imagery  in  describing  their  destructiveness. 

83  1.  9. 

84  2.  25. 

86  2.  22. 


399 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


they  or  their  fathers  knew  of,  and  as  one  ever  to  be 
remembered,86  “but  Israel  had  many  worse  scourges  than 
any  plague  of  locusts,  however  severe.”  (7)  “The  de¬ 
struction  of  this  scourge  of  God  is  described  in  a  way 
taken  doubtless  in  its  details  from  the  destruction  of 
locusts,  yet  as  a  whole  physically  impossible  in  a  literal 
sense.”  (8)  Pusey,  regarding  the  day  of  Yahweh  as 
identical  with  the  scourge  described  by  the  prophet,  con¬ 
cludes  that  “the  day  of  Yahweh  includes  more  than  any 
plague  of  locusts,” 

The  weakness  of  these  arguments  is  self-evident.  For 
instance,  it  is  nowhere  stated  that  the  locust  plague  is 
the  only  calamity;  the  prophet  probably  means  just  what 
he  says,  that  drought  and  fires  accompanied  the  plague 
of  locusts.  Moreover,  he  does  not  compare  the  plague 
of  locusts  with  all  kinds  of  calamities;  he  simply  says 
that  it  was  the  severest  plague  of  locusts.  The  identifica¬ 
tion  of  the  plague  with  the  day  of  Yahweh  rests  upon 
misinterpretation.87  Several  of  the  other  arguments 
lose  their  force  when  it  is  remembered  that  description 
does  not  exclude  the  use  of  poetic  and  figurative  lan¬ 
guage.  The  testimonies  of  scores  of  travelers  show  the 
devastation  wrought  by  the  plague  of  locusts  as  de¬ 
scribed  by  Joel  to  be  quite  within  the  realm  of  possibility. 
There  is  not  a  single  feature  in  the  picture  of  Joel  which 
is  not  supported  by  one  or  more  modern  travelers.  True, 
ordinarily  locusts  do  not  appear  in  successive  years,  but 
this  is  not  a  universal  rule,  and  the  plague  described  by 
Joel  was  one  of  unusual  severity.  The  term  “north¬ 
erner”  probably  has  no  reference  to  the  direction  from 
which  the  plague  came  hut  to  the  office  of  the  locusts  as 


87  Compare  1.  15;  2.  1;  etc. 


400 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


“heralds  of  the  last  day.”88  The  argument  drawn  from 
the  prayer  in  2.  17  receives  its  only  force  from  a  mis¬ 
interpretation89  or,  possibly,  a  mistranslation.90 

Not  only  are  the  arguments  in  favor  of  the  allegorical 
interpretation  inconclusive,  but  the  terms  of  the  descrip¬ 
tion,  if  naturally  interpreted,  show  this  interpretation  to 
be  impossible.  Is  it  probable  that  any  sane  writer  would 
liken  a  symbol  to  the  reality  it  is  intended  to  symbolize? 
Is  it  probable  that  any  one  would  speak  of  a  victorious 
army  as  entering  a  conquered  city  like  a  thief  ?  Even  a 
modified  form  of  the  allegorical  view,  which  admits  that 
the  references  in  chapter  1  are  to  real  locusts,  but  insists 
that  chapter  2  refers  to  an  army  of  soldiers,  is  untenable, 
since  the  army  of  chapter  2  is  expressly  identified  with 
the  locusts  of  chapter  i.91  Moreover,  even  in  chapter  2 
the  prophet  speaks  only  of  such  acts  of  devastation  as 
are  actually  wrought  by  locusts.  There  is  no  hint  of 
ravages  wrought  by  a  human  army,  of  bloodshed,  de¬ 
stroyed  cities,  and  captives.92 


88  According  to  Jer.  1.  14  and  Ezek.  38.  6,  15  the  instruments  of 
Yahweh’s  wrath  in  the  Final  Judgment  are  to  come  from  the  north. 
From  these  passages  the  term  “northerner”  may  have  received  a  typical 
meaning,  the  bringer  of  doom. 

89  The  passage  reads  “Give  not  thy  heritage  to  reproach,  that  the 
nations  should  rule  over  them.”  The  prophet  recognizes  an  inter¬ 
mediate  stage  between  the  calamity  and  the  nation’s  subjugation.  A 
scourge  of  locusts  might  exhaust  the  resources  of  the  country,  and  an 
alert  enemy  might  improve  the  opportunity  to  overwhelm  the  nation. 

90  Compare  the  marginal  translation,  “that  the  nations  should  use  a 
byword  against  them.” 

91  Compare,  for  instance,  2.  n  with  2.  25  with  1.  4. 

92  The  weakness  of  the  apocalyptic  interpretation  is  revealed  by  the 
arguments  advanced  against  the  allegorical  view.  Its  absolute  unten¬ 
ableness  appears  in  the  discussion  of  the  proper  interpretation  of  1.  2 
to  2.  17. 


401 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


In  discussing  the  question,  Is  i.  2  to  2.  17  descriptive 
or  predictive?  it  is  not  necessary  to  discuss  or  refute  in 
detail  the  arguments  advanced  in  favor  of  the  predictive 
interpretation ;  it  may  be  sufficient  to  call  attention  to  the 
following  two  considerations  :  (1)  The  general  character 
of  prophecy  favors  the  descriptive  interpretation.  The 
prophet  always  starts  from  the  circumstances  of  his  own 
day;  his  utterances  are  not  abstract  productions  of  the 
study;  they  are  direct  messages  to  the  people  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  meeting  a  present  crisis.  If,  now,  the  plague  is 
removed  into  the  future,  the  occasion  for  Joel’s  message 
disappears,  and  the  prophecy  becomes  a  “mere  learned 
study  or  midrash  on  preceding  prophetical  literature.” 
(2)  The  only  natural  interpretation  of  the  appeal  in  1. 
2-4,  of  the  exhortation  in  1.  13;  2.  I2ffi,  and  the  descrip¬ 
tion  in  1.  15-20  is  that  the  prophet  addresses  the  people 
and  the  priests  out  of  an  actual  present  experience. 
There  is,  indeed,  no  feature  in  the  description  of  the 
plague  to  indicate  that  this  part  of  the  book  is  to  be  re¬ 
garded  as  predictive. 

Teaching  of  the  Book.  The  teaching  of  the  book 
centers  around  the  day  of  Yahweh,  that  is,  the  great 
crisis  in  which  Yahweh  will  manifest  himself  in  the 
destruction  of  his  enemies  and  the  exaltation  of  his 
friends.  Concerning  this  day  he  teaches:  (1)  Its  ap¬ 
proach  is  marked  by  great  convulsions  and  other  extraor¬ 
dinary  phenomena  in  nature.93  (2)  The  character  of 
the  day  will  be  determined  by  the  attitude  of  heart 
and  life  toward  Yahweh.  It  will  be  a  day  of  terror 
to  all  the  people  of  Judah  if  they  continue  in  their  present 

93  This  is  implied  in  the  prophet’s  interpretation  of  the  significance 
of  the  calamity  that  called  forth  the  prophecy,  and  is  definitely  stated 

in  2.  30,  31. 


402 


THE  BOOK  OF,  THE  TWELVE 


spiritual  condition  ;94  on  the  other  hand,  it  may  be  a  day 
of  blessing  if  they  truly  repent.95  (3)  When  the  day 
finally  comes  those  who  call  upon  the  name  of  Yahweh 
will  be  delivered,96  but  the  enemies  of  the  people  of  Yah¬ 
weh,  and,  as  such,  the  enemies  of  Yahweh  himself,  will 
be  annihilated.97 

Some  of  the  elements  in  Joel’s  teaching  concerning  the 
future  are  found  in  other  prophetic  books,98  but  in  several 
important  respects  he  goes  beyond  them  and  makes  dis¬ 
tinctive  contributions  of  his  own :  ( 1 )  He  stresses  much 
more  than  the  earlier  prophets  the  outpouring  of  the 
divine  spirit;99  (2)  Joel  sees  no  salvation  for  the  nations; 
Israel  is  to  be  saved  and  glorified,  the  nations  are  to  be 
judged  and  destroyed;100  (3)  there  is  no  reference  to 
the  Messianic  king,  who  plays  such  an  important  part  in 
other  prophetic  books.101  When  the  final  crisis  arrives 
it  is  Yahweh  himself  who  interferes,  both  in  judging 
the  nations  and  in  delivering  his  children;  moreover,  it 
is  he  who  in  his  own  person  will  rule  in  Zion.102  (4) 
Joel  lays  great  emphasis  on  the  externals  of  religion,103 
but  it  is  not  quite  correct  to  say  that  he  lacks  all  interest 
in  the  fulfillment  of  the  moral  requirements  of  Yahweh 
religion.  He  promises  deliverance  to  the  people,  not  on 

84 1.  15;  2.  11. 

85  2.  12-14,  19-29. 

88  2.  31. 

87  Chapter  3. 

88  Compare,  for  instance,  Amos  9.  13;  Hos.  2.  21,  22;  Isa.  4.  2-6. 

98  2.  28,  29. 

100  Chapter  3.  Even  the  promise  concerning  the  outpouring  of  the 
spirit  on  all  flesh  is,  on  closer  study,  seen  to  be  limited  to  the  Jewish 
community. 

101  Isa.  9.  6,  7;  11.  1-5;  Jer.  33.  15;  etc. 

102  2.  27;  3.  17,  21. 

103  1.  9,  13,  14;  2.  12-17. 

403 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


the  basis  of  the  painstaking  observance  of  the  forms  of 
religion,  but  only  on  the  basis  of  a  “godly  sorrow  that 
worketh  repentance  for  salvation.”104 

3.  The  Book  of  Amos 

Name  and  Place  in  Canon.  The  name  dw  ‘Amos, 
Septuagint  ’a^s,  * Amos ,  Vulgate,  Amos,  means  “bur¬ 
dened,”  or  “burden-bearer.”  It  must  not  be  confused, 
as  was  done  by  the  early  Greek  and  Latin  fathers,  with 
’Amos,  the  name  of  the  father  of  Isaiah,  which 
comes  from  an  entirely  different  root  in  Hebrew. 

Though  in  the  Hebrew  Bible  the  book  occupies  third 
place  among  the  Minor  Prophets,* 1  it  may  be  accepted  as 
settled  that  Amos  is  the  earliest  of  the  literary  prophets.2 
Consequently,  the  book  is  of  great  importance  in  the 
study  of  the  religious  development  of  Israel,  as  a  witness 
to  the  beliefs  current  in  the  eighth  century  b.  c. 

Contents  and  Outline.  The  book  of  Amos  gives  evi¬ 
dence  of  orderly  and  systematic  arrangement,  on  the 
basis  of  a  logical  rather  than  chronological  grouping  of 
the  utterances.  In  broad  outline  the  development  of  the 
thought  is  as  follows :  The  book  opens  with  threats  of 
judgment  against  six  non-Israelitish  nations,  against 
Judah,  and  especially,  against  Israel.  These  are  fol¬ 
lowed  by  a  presentation  of  the  reasons  for  the  judgment 
and  five  visions  of  the  execution  of  the  judgment.  After 
a  brief  reference  to  the  effects  of  the  judgment  upon  both 
godly  and  ungodly,  the  book  closes  with  a  description  of 

104  Compare,  especially,  2.  12,  13. 

1  In  the  Septuagint  it  occupies  second  place,  following  Hosea. 

2  A  few  relatively  short  passages  are  dated  slightly  earlier  by  some, 
namely,  Isa.  2.  2-4  and  Isa.  15.  1  to  16.  12.  See  vol.  I,  pp.  129-132  and 

pp.  144-149- 


404 


THE  BOOK  OE  THE  TWELVE 


the  exaltation  and  glory  of  the  remnant  that  will  escape 
the  judgment. 

The  book  falls  naturally  into  three  divisions :  Chapters 
i  and  2,  which  are  in  the  nature  of  a  prologue;  chap¬ 
ters  3  to  6,  a  series  of  discourses;  and  chapters  7  to  9,  a 
series  of  visions,  interrupted  by  a  piece  of  narrative  and 
short  remarks  on  the  same  subjects  as  are  discussed  in 
chapters  3  to  6. 

Title:  Origin  of  the  book.  (1.  1.) 

I.  The  Prologue:  The  Approaching  Judgment  (1.2  to  2.  16). 

Preface:  Yahweh’s  terrible  manifestation  (1.  2). 

1.  Sins  and  punishments  of  six  non-Israelitish  nations  (1.  3  to  2.  3). 

(1)  Syria  (1.  3-5). 

(2)  Philistia  (1.  6-8). 

(3)  Phoenicia  (1.  9,  10). 

(4)  Edom  (1.  11,  12). 

(5)  Ammon  (1.  13-15). 

(6)  Moab  (2.  1-3). 

2.  Sin  and  punishment  of  Judah  (2.  4,  5). 

3.  Sin  and  punishment  of  Israel  (2.  6-16). 

(1)  Israel’s  sins  (2.  6-8). 

(2)  Yahweh’s  care  (2.  9-12). 

(3)  Imminent  judgment  (2.  13-16). 

II.  Discourses  of  Warning  and  Exhortation  (3.  1  to  6.  14). 

1.  Condemnation  of  the  ruling  classes  (3.  1  to  4.  3). 

(1)  Failure  to  recognize  responsibility  brings  punishment  (3. 

1,  2). 

(2)  The  prophet’s  authority  (3.  3-8). 

(3)  Summons  of  the  surrounding  nations  to  testify  against 

Israel  (3.  9»  I0)- 

(4)  Sentence  of  doom  (3.  11-15). 

(5)  Heartless  luxury  and  self-indulgence  of  the  noble  ladies 

(4-  1-3). 

2.  Israel’s  failure  to  understand  the  divine  judgments  (4.  4_I3)- 

(1)  Mistaken  religious  zeal  (4.  4,  5). 

405 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


(2)  Seven  unheeded  chastisements  (4.  6-11). 

a.  Famine  (4.  6). 

b.  Drought  (4.  7,  8). 

c.  Blasting  and  mildew  (4.  9a). 

d.  Locusts  (4.  9b). 

e.  Pestilence  (4.  10a). 

/.  War  (4.  10b). 

g.  Earthquake  (4.  n). 

(3)  Threat  of  a  final  destructive  blow  (4.  12,  13). 

3.  Addresses  containing  lamentations,  exhortations,  reproofs,  and 

threats  of  ruin  (5.  1-17). 

(1)  Dirge  over  the  downfall  of  Israel  (5.  1-3). 

(2)  Justification  of  the  judgment;  exhortation  to  repentance 

(5.  4-10). 

(3)  Israel’s  moral  depravity  demands  retribution  (5.  11-13). 

(4)  Renewed  exhortations  (5.  14,  15). 

(5)  Imminent  doom  and  universal  lamentation  (5.  16,  17). 

4.  Darkness  and  despair  of  the  day  of  Yahweh  (5.  18-27). 

(1)  The  day  of  Yahweh  a  day  of  calamity  and  ruin  (5.  18-20). 

(2)  Popular  worship  an  abomination  to  Yahweh  (5.  21-25). 

(3)  Threat  of  exile  to  a  far-distant  region  (5.  26,  27). 

5.  Woe  upon  the  luxurious,  the  self-confident,  and  the  proud  (6.  1- 

14). 

(1)  Condemnation  of  the  self-satisfied,  indifferent  nobles  (6. 

i-7). 

(2)  Extent  of  the  terrible  judgment  (6.  8-14). 

III.  Five  Visions  Picturing  the  Execution  of  the  Judgment, 

with  Interludes  (7.  1  to  9.  15). 

1.  Three  related  visions  (7.  1-9). 

(1)  Swarm  of  locusts  (7.  1-3). 

(2)  Devouring  fire  (7.  4-6). 

(3)  Master  builder  with  the  plumb  line  (7.  7- 9). 

2.  Historical  section:  Experience  of  Amos  at  Bethel  (7.  10-17). 

3.  Fourth  vision:  Basket  of  summer  fruit  (8.  1-3). 

4.  Explanatory  discourse  (8.  4-14). 

(1)  Greedy  merchants  (8.  4-6). 

(2)  Figurative  description  of  the  impending  judgment,  and  the 

resulting  lamentation  (8.  7-10). 

(3)  Some  effects  of  the  judgment  (8.  11-14). 

a.  Eagerness  for  the  word  of  Yahweh  (8.  11,  12). 

406 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


b.  Destruction  of  the  beauty  and  strength  of  the  nation 

(8.  13,  14). 

5.  Fifth  vision:  Smitten  sanctuary  (9.  1-6). 

6.  Yahweh  not  a  respecter  of  race,  but  of  character  (9.  7-10). 

7.  The  epilogue:  Promises  of  a  brighter  future  (9.  11-15). 

(1)  Restoration  of  the  Davidic  dynasty  (9.  11). 

(2)  Conquest  of  the  surrounding  nations  (9.  12). 

(3)  Extraordinary  fertility  of  the  soil  (9.  13). 

(4)  Return  and  reestablishment  of  the  exiles  (9.  14,  15). 

Controverted  passages.  Until  the  latter  part  of  the 
nineteenth  century  no  doubts  were  expressed  concern¬ 
ing  the  integrity  of  the  book  of  Amos.  Thus,  Ewald  said : 
“This  little  book  forms  a  whole  complete  in  itself  and  left 
Amos’  hands  just  as  we  have  it.  The  heading  alone  is 
probably  from  another,  but  in  any  case  from  an  early, 
hand.”* 3  Duhm,  in  1875,  questioned  the  authenticity  of 
2.  4,  5;  4.  13;  5.  8,  9;  9.  5,  6,  on  the  ground  that  these 
passages  interrupt  the  connection.4'  Nearly  all  com¬ 
mentators  who  have  written  since  the  publication  of 
Duhm’s  doubts  have  rejected  more  or  less  extensive  por¬ 
tions  of  the  book  as  later  interpolations.  Wellhausen 
added  to  the  passages  questioned  by  Duhm  ;5  Cheyne,  in 
his  earlier  writings,6  rejected  about  twenty  verses,  which 
number  he  later  raised  to  over  thirty.7  The  reasons 
given  are,  in  part,  theological,  as  in  the  case  of  1.  2;  2. 
4,  5;  4.  13;  5.  8,  9;  9.  5,  6,  8-15;  in  part,  historical,  as  in 
the  case  of  1.  6-12;  6.  2.  Abruptness  in  transition  is 
urged  against  some  passages,  and,  as  in  the  case  of 

*  Die  Propheten  des  Alten  Bundes,  I,  p.  12 1.  Hitzig  also  seems  to  have 

been  convinced  that  there  are  no  interpolations  in  the  book. 

4  Die  Theologie  der  Propheten,  p.  119. 

6  Die  Kleinen  Propheten,  pp.  67ff. 

8  See  introduction  to  W.  R.  Smith,  The  Prophets  of  Israel,  pp.  xv-xvii. 

7  Encyclopaedia  Biblica,  article  “Amos.” 

407 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


ITosea,8  all  references  to  Judah  are  thought  by  many  to 
be  out  of  place  in  a  prophecy  directed  against  the  north¬ 
ern  kingdom.  Driver,  after  examining  the  objections 
urged  against  2.  4,  5 ;  4.  13 ;  5.  8,  9;  9.  5,  6,  8-15,  reaches 
the  conclusion  that  the  arguments  are  in  no  case  con¬ 
vincing.9  G.  A.  Smith  rejects  9.  8-15  and  suspects  the 
verses  questioned  by  Duhm,  as  well  as  1.  11,  12;  5.  14, 
15;  6.  2;  8.  13. 10  Taylor  declares,  “There  is  good  reason 
for  thinking  that  the  following  passages  are  later  addi¬ 
tions:  1.  1,  2;  2.  4,  5;  4.  13;  5.  8,  9;  6.  2;  9.  5,  8-15. ”* 11 
Nowack  rejects  1.  11,  12;  2.  4,  5,  15b,  16a;  3.  14b;  4. 
12b,  13;  5.  8,  9,  13,  14,  15,  26;  6.  2,  9,  10;  7.  ib;  8.  6, 
8,  11,  12;  9.  5,  6,  8-15. 12  Marti,  who  questions  more 
passages  than  any  other  writer,  rejects:  (1)  all  refer¬ 
ences  to  Judah,  2.  4,  5;  3.  ib;  6.  1  in  part;  (2)  certain 
historical  additions,  1.  6-12;  2.  10,  12;  5.  25,  26;  6.  2; 
(3)  theological  glosses,  1.  2;  3.  7;  4.  13;  5.  8,  9,  13;  8. 
8,  11-14;  9.  5,  6;  (4)  the  Messianic  promise,  9.  8-15; 
(5)  some  expressions  and  phrases  of  minor  importance, 
for  example,  in,  3.  3;  4.  7.13  Harper  considers  as 
secondary  1.  1,  2,  9,  10,  11,  12;  2.  4,  5,  12;  4.  7b,  8a, 
13a,  d;  5.  8,  9,  18b,  22 b;  6.  2,  9-1  ia;  7.  id,  8a;  8.  2a, 
6,  11a;  9.  5,  6,  8c,  9-15. 14 

The  authenticity  of  many  of  these  passages  can  be  con¬ 
sidered  only  in  connection  with  a  detailed  exegetical 
study;  however,  there  are  several  passages  which  are  re- 


8  See  above,  p.  359. 

9  Joel  and  Amos,  pp.  1 17-124. 

10  The  Minor  Prophets,  I,  p.  61. 

11  Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  article  “Amos." 

12  Die  Kleinen  Propheten ,  p.  117. 

13  Das  Dodekapropheton,  pp.  151,  152. 

14  Amos  and  Hosea,  p.  cxxxii. 


408 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


jected  with  such  persistency  that  they  deserve  more  ex¬ 
tended  discussion  here.  These  passages  are,  i.  6-12; 
2.  4,  5 ;  4.  13 ;  5.  8,  9 ;  9.  5,  6  and  9.  8-15. 

Several  recent  writers  agree  in  rejecting  1.  9-12,  to 
which  verses  Marti  adds  1.  6-8.  Wellhausen,  one  of  the 
first  to  question  the  oracle  against  Phoenicia,  in  1.  9, 
10,  advances  three  reasons:  (1)  The  indictment  against 
Tyre  is  the  same  as  that  against  Gaza;  (2)  nothing  is 
said  concerning  the  other  Phoenician  cities;  (3)  the  clos¬ 
ing  formula,  “saith  Yahweh,”  is  lacking.  Later  writers 
have  added  two  further  objections:  (4)  The  metrical 
structure  is  different  from  that  of  the  preceding  oracles; 
(5)  if  the  geographical  order  prevailed  as  elsewhere 
from  north  to  south,  verses  9,  10  would  have  to  precede 
6-8.  The  prophecy  against  Edom,  in  1.  11,  12,  is  re¬ 
jected  by  Wellhausen  on  the  following  grounds:  (1)  It 
is  strange  that  Amos  says  nothing  about  Sela,  the  capital 
of  Edom,  while  he  names  Bozrah  and  Teman.  The  latter 
take  the  place  of  the  former  only  in  exilic  and  postexilic 
literature.  (2)  In  the  days  of  Amos  Israel  had  no 
ground  'for  complaint  against  Edom;  the  latter  had 
suffered  far  more  from  the  former  than  vice  versa,  A 
change  came  at  the  time  of  the  exile.  (3)  The  descrip¬ 
tion  of  Edom’s  crime  is  more  vague  than  in  the  un¬ 
doubted  sections.  To  these  objections  Harper  adds  (4) 
the  similarity  of  structure  with  other  doubtful  passages, 
1.  9,  10;  2.  4,  5.  Marti  rejects  1.  6-815  chiefly  because 
Gath  is  not  mentioned  among  the  cities  of  Philistia; 
which  silence,  he  thinks,  presupposes  the  destruction  of 
Gath.  Now,  since  the  city  was  not  destroyed  until  71 1, 


16  Cheyne,  in  Critica  Biblica ,  rejects  verse  8,  because  it  is  out  of 
harmony  with  his  Yerachmeelite  theory. 

409 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


i.  6-8  cannot  be  earlier  than  71 1,  which  is  later  than  the 
death  of  Amos.16 

Some  of  these  objections  are  not  without  weight;  at 
the  same  time,  it  must  be  admitted  that  they  are  by  no 
means  conclusive,  and  that  several  considerations  may 
be  urged  which  tend  to  weaken  their  force.  In  reply  to 
Marti’s  objection  it  may  be  said  that  the  dependence  of 
Amos  1.  6-8  upon  Joel  is  by  no  means  certain,17  and  that 
the  silence  concerning  Gath  may  be  explained  without 
assuming  its  destruction.18  Questions  may  be  raised 
also  regarding  the  objections  urged,  with  greater  per¬ 
sistency,  against  1.  9-12:  (1)  Why  must  Amos  express 
all  his  denunciations,  in  the  same  metrical  form?  (2) 
How  can  we  know  that  Amos  intended  to  follow  the 
geographical  order?  (3)  Must  Amos  use  in  every  case 
the  closing  formula,  “saith  Yahweh”  ?  (4)  Is  the  indict¬ 

ment  against  Tyre  identical  with  the  indictment  against 
Gaza?  Why  may  not  the  two  cities  have  been  guilty  of 
similar  crimes?  (5)  Why  must  Amos  name  all  the  cities 
of  Phoenicia?  Tyre  being  the  most  prominent  city,  was 
not  a  reference  to  it  sufficient?19  (6)  While  Edom’s 
attitude  at  the  time  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  in 
586  b.  c.,  would  explain  the  language  of  1.  11,20  is  it  not 
true  that  at  all  times  the  feeling  between  Israel  and  Edom 
was  very  far  from  being  cordial?21  (7)  Sela  was  never 

16  The  similarity  of  Amos  1.  6-10  with  Joel  3.  4-6  leads  him  to  believe 
that  the  verses  in  Amos  are  dependent  on  Joel;  consequently,  he  makes 
the  Amos  passage  even  later  than  Joel,  whom  he  dates  about  400  b.  c. 

17  See  above,  pp.  395,  396. 

18  See  comment  on  1.  8  in  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Minor  Prophets,  p.  228. 

19  Kerioth  is  the  only  city  in  Moab  that  is  named;  Rabbah  the  only 
city  in  Ammon. 

20  Compare,  for  instance,  Obad.  10-14;  Psa.  137.  7. 

21  The  fault  was  not  always  with  Israel;  compare  Num.  20.  14-21; 
2  Kings  8.  20-22. 

410 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


superseded  by  Bozrah  or  Teman  as  the  capital  city  of 
Edom;  hence,  if  in  exilic  or  postexilic  days  Bozrah  and 
Teman  might  be  mentioned  as  representative  cities  of 
Edom  in  the  place  of  the  capital,  why  not  in  the  eighth 
century?22 

The  most  complete  summary  of  the  arguments  against 
2.  4,  5  is  found  in  W.  R.  Harper,  Amos  and  Hosea :23 
( i )  The  similarity  in  form  puts  the  section  into  the  same 
category  with  i.  9,  10  and  1.  11,  12,  and  any  doubt  which 
attaches  to  these  oracles  must  attach  also  to  this.  (2) 
The  introduction  of  this  oracle  removes  entirely  the 
force  of  the  surprise  which  the  Israelites  would  have  felt. 
(3)  It  is  impossible  to  believe  that  Amos  would  have 
treated  Judah  so  cursorily,  and  in  a  manner  so  like  that 
in  which  he  treated  other  nations.  (4)  The  terms  of 
Judah’s  sin  are  of  a  Deuteronomic  character  and  of  later 
origin.  (5)  The  style  is  tame,  vague,  and  weak.  (6) 
The  term  “Israel”  in  2.  6-16  includes  Judah.24  (7)  The 
concluding  formula,  “saith  Yahweh,”  is  lacking.  (8) 
The  sin  described  as  transgression  of  the  “instruction” 
and  the  “statutes”  of  Yahweh  is  too  indefinite,  not  so 
flagrant  as  to  call  for  its  introduction  in  this  place;  in 
fact,  unlike  any  charges  made  elsewhere  by  Amos,  and 
out  of  harmony  with  the  formula  “for  .  .  .  trans¬ 

gressions,”  since  it  cannot  be  specified  as  one  of  the  three 
or  four. 

22  It  should  be  noted  that  Sela  is  mentioned  but  rarely  in  the  prophetic 
writings  (Isa.  16.  1 ;  42.  1 1),  if  at  all.  Cheyne  considers  the  word  always 
a  common  noun,  and  insists  that  no  city  bearing  the  name  is  mentioned 
in  the  Old  Testament.  If  this  is  true,  the  objection  vanishes;  whether  it 
is  true  or  not,  Sela  may  have  been  selected  as  the  capital  because  of  its 
location  (Obad.  3),  though  Edom  had  other  more  prominent  cities. 

23  P.  44- 

24  Implied,  for  instance,  in  2.  10. 

411 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


A  few  brief  remarks  on  these  objections  may  suffice: 
(i)  The  objections  against  I.  9-12  have  been  considered 
in  the  preceding  paragraphs.  (2)  The  naming  of  Judah 
makes  an  appropriate  transition  from  the  surrounding 
nations  to  Israel.  (3)  Amos  claims  to  have  been  sent  to 
Israel;25  hence  there  is  no  more  reason  for  dealing  at 
length  with  Judah  than  with  the  other  nations.  On  the 
other  hand,  complete  silence  concerning  Judah  would  be 
strange  in  a  citizen  of  the  southern  kingdom.26  (4)  The 
resemblance  with  Deuteronomy  is  not  very  close.  (5) 
The  indictment  was  specific  enough  to  serve  the  prophet’s 
purpose  ;  he  was  interested  in  presenting  specific  charges 
only  against  Israel.  (6)  Does  Israel  in  2.  6-16  include 
Judah?  How  else  could  the  prophet  have  conveniently 
expressed  himself,  had  he  desired  to  confine  himself  to 
the  northern  kingdom?  (7)  Were  this  a  later  insertion, 
it  is  almost  beyond  doubt  that  an  imitator  would  have 
added  the  closing  formula.27 

Amos  4.  13;  5.  8,  9;  9.  5,  6  are  similar  in  character  and 
import  and  may  be  considered  together.  The  objections 
urged  against  these  passages  are  chiefly  three:  (1)  The 
logical  connection  between  the  verses  rejected  and  their 
contexts  is  said  to  be  uncertain.28  (2)  A  second  objec¬ 
tion  is  stated  by  G.  A.  Smith  in  these  words:  “Such 
ejaculations  in  praise  of  Yahweh’s  creative  power  are  not 
elsewhere  met  with  in  Hebrew  prophecy  before  the  time 
of  the  exile.”29  (3)  A  third  objection,  which  appeals  to 

26  Amos  7.  15. 

26  The  charges  brought  against  Judah  are  corroborated  by  Isa.  2. 
6-8,  18,  20;  5.  7-24;  for  the  phraseology  compare  also  Exod.  18.  16. 

27  Here,  as  in  1.  10,  12,  the  omission  may  be  due  to  copyists. 

28  For  instance,  4.  12  is  said  to  form  a  natural  conclusion,  verse  13 
adding  nothing  to  the  utterance. 

29  The  Minor  Prophets ,  I,  p.  202. 

412 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


the  author  just  quoted  as  the  strongest,  is  stated  by  him 
in  these  words  :30  (( Yahweh  is  his  name  (which  occurs  in 
two  passages)  or  Yahweh  of  hosts  is  his  name  (which 
occurs  in  at  least  one)  is  a  construction  which  does  not 
happen  elsewhere  in  the  book,  except  in  a  verse  where  it 
is  awkward,  and  where  we  have  already  seen  reason  to 
doubt  its  genuineness.31  But  still  more,  the  phrase  does 
not  occur  in  any  other  prophet  till  we  come  down  to  the 
oracles  which  compose  Isa.  40  to  66.”32  Later  writers 
who  reject  the  passages  have  added  no  new  arguments 
with  which  to  substantiate  their  position.  Are  these 
arguments  conclusive  ?  ( 1 )  Does  the  fact  that  a  passage 

may  be  omitted  without  disturbing  the  context  constitute 
a  sufficient  reason  for  denying  its  originality?  (2)  Is 
it  true  that  4.  13  is  without  significance?  If  it  does  noth¬ 
ing  else,  it  at  least  serves  to  secure  a  reverent  hearing  for 
the  prophetic  message.33  A  similar  explanation  may  be 
given  in  the  case  of  9.  5,  6, 34  but  in  the  case  of  5.  8,  9  the 
difficulties  are  greater,  for  there  verse  10  seems  to  be  the 
natural  continuation  of  verse  7.35  (3)  It  is  true  that 

similar  ejaculations  occur  more  frequently  in  exilic  and 
postexilic  literature,36  but  is  this  sufficient  reason  for 
denying  the  verses  to  Amos?  Is  it  unthinkable  that  a 
prophet  whose  heart  was  deeply  moved  should  burst  forth 

10  G.  A.  Smith,  The  Minor  Prophets,  I,  p.  204. 

81  Amos  5.  27. 

M  The  expression  occurs  eight  times  in  Jeremiah,  but  Smith  thinks 
that  in  all  cases  it  is  due  to  later  interpolation. 

88  Serves  the  same  purpose  as  3.  2-8. 

84  Harper  is  hardly  justified  in  calling  the  connection  of  9.  5  with  the 
preceding  verses,  as  suggested  above,  unnatural  and  far-fetched. 

36  Some  possible  solutions  of  the  problem  are  suggested  in  the  com¬ 
ments  on  these  verses  in  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Minor  Prophets,  p.  255;  the 
difficulties  are  very  real. 

86  Isa.  40.  22;  42.  5;  44.  24;  Job  9.  8,  9;  etc. 

413 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


in  sublime  doxologies?  Moreover,  the  verses  are  in  the 
style  and  spirit  of  Amos  and,  as  has  been  pointed  out, 
they  serve  an  important  purpose.  (4)  The  use  of  the 
divine  titles  and  the  construction  of  the  clauses  cannot 
be  regarded  as  conclusive  arguments,  for  similar  titles 
are  found  in  passages  generally  admitted  to  be  genuine, 
and  the  construction  is  not  necessarily  late.  Perhaps  it 
is  best  to  heed  the  caution  of  G.  A.  Smith :  “A  case 
which  has  failed  to  convince  critics  like  Robertson  Smith 
and  Kuenen  cannot  be  considered  conclusive,  and  we  are 
so  ignorant  of  the  conditions  of  prophetic  oratory  at  this 
period  that  dogmatism  is  impossible.”37 

The  authenticity  of  9.  8-15,  which  portrays  the  glories 
of  an  ideal  future,  has  been  questioned  as  persistently  as 
that  of  any  other  portion  of  Amos.  Underlying  the  specific 
objections  against  the  verses  is  the  assumption  that  the 
preexilic  period  did  not  know  the  Messianic  hope.38 
Leaving  aside  this  general  assumption,  which  has  been 
considered  in  another  connection,39  attention  may  here 
be  given  to  the  more  specific  objections  urged  against  the 
verses  :40  ( 1 )  Much  stress  is  placed  on  the  alleged 
linguistic  affinities  between  these  verses  and  admittedly 
exilic  and  postexilic  writings.  (2)  The  sentiment  of  9. 
8-15  is  said  to  be  foreign  to  Amos;  everywhere  else  he 
predicts  utter  destruction,  here  a  bright  future;  such 
abrupt  change  would  weaken  his  message  of  warning  and 
doom.  (3)  Some  scholars  have  urged  that  a  promise  to 

37  The  Minor  Prophets ,  I,  p.  205. 

38  Compare  H.  P.  Smith,  Old  Testament  History ,  p.  338:  “In  the 
exile,  therefore,  we  must  locate  the  beginnings  of  what  we  may  call  the 
Messianic  hope.’' 

39  For  a  full  discussion  of  this  assumption  see  vol.  I,  pp.  137-139. 

40  Some  scholars  reject  only  verses  11-15;  but  verse  10  can  hardly  be 
regarded  as  the  conclusion  of  the  prophecy. 

414 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


Judah  has  no  place  in  a  prophecy  intended  for  Israel. 
(4)  In  view  of  the  pronounced  ethical  note  in  the  mes¬ 
sage  of  Amos,  the  emphasis  laid  upon  material  blessings, 
so  prominent  in  verses  11-15,  to  the  exclusion  of  moral 
characteristics,  is  thought  to  militate  against  the  genuine¬ 
ness  of  the  verses.  (5)  Amos  is  said  always  to  repre¬ 
sent  the  whole  people  as  the  object  of  punishment,  while 
these  verses  make  a  distinction  between  the  righteous  and 
the  sinner,  which  is  claimed  to  be  characteristic  of  later 
thought.  (6)  Verses  11,  14,  15  seem  to  presuppose  that 
the  awful  calamity  was  a  fact  of  history  when  the 
promises  were  made.  (7)  Some  scholars  discover  echoes 
of  later  writings  in  the  passage.41 

On  the  face  of  it  the  case  against  the  verses  seems  to 
be  conclusive.  At  the  same  time,  some  scholars  believe 
that  some  weighty  considerations  may  be  urged  against 
the  conclusiveness  of  these  objections:  (1)  The  linguistic 
peculiarities42  may  be  explained  as  due  to  a  change  in 
subject  matter.  Says  Driver  :  “The  aggregation  of  ex¬ 
pressions  otherwise,  for  the  most  part,  occurring  first  in 
Jeremiah  and  later  writers  is,  no  doubt,  remarkable  :  in 
themselves,  however,  the  phrases  used  are  not  linguis¬ 
tically  suggestive  of  lateness ;  and  the  question  is  whether, 
it  being  granted  that  Amos  might  have  contemplated 
(like  other  prophets)  not  only  the  exile  of  his  people, 
but  also  its  restoration,  they  do  more  than  give  expres¬ 
sion  to  that  idea  under  forms  which  might  have  naturally 
presented  themselves  to  him.”43  (2)  It  is  by  no  means 

41  Compare,  for  instance,  verse  11  with  Isa.  11.  1;  13a  with  Lev. 
26.  5;  13b  with  Joel  3.  18;  etc. 

42  For  a  list  of  these  peculiarities  see  vS.  R.  Driver,  Joel  and  Amos, 
p.  122.  R.  W.  Harper,  Amos  and  Ilosea ,  p.  195 ;  T.  K.  Cheyne,  Expositor, 
January,  1897,  pp.  46,  47. 

43  Joel  and  Amos,  p.  122. 


415 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


certain  that  the  sentiment  expressed  in  9.  8-15  is  foreign 
to  Amos :  a.  The  promises  held  out  are  not  for  all.  Verses 
8-10  state  positively  that  only  a  remnant  shall  be  saved, 
while  “the  sinners  of  my  people  shall  die  by  the  sword.” 
How  can  a  promise  intended  only  for  the  faithful  weaken 
Amos’s  message  of  judgment?  Must  it  not,  rather,  prove 
an  encouragement  to  the  faithful  and  an  incentive  to 
some  of  the  “sinners”  to  cast  their  lot  with  the  righteous? 
b.  It  is  not  true  that  hope  is  held  out  nowhere  else  in  the 
book.  The  possibility  of  a  remnant  being  preserved  is 
recognized  in  5.  15;44  a  similar  hope  is  expressed  in  7.  2, 
5.  c.  Chapter  9.  7  cannot  be  the  conclusion  of  the  book 
or  of  a  discourse ;  verse  8a,  retained  by  Harper,  furnishes 
a  more  suitable  close,  but  it  does  not  follow,  therefore, 
that  8b-i5  should  be  rejected.45  (3)  The  objection  that 
a  promise  intended  for  Judah  has  no  place  in  a  book 
written  for  Israel  rests  upon  a  misapprehension.  The 
promise  is  not  for  Judah,  but  for  the  “kernel”  preserved 
out  of  the  sinful  kingdom,  Israel.  True,  the  exaltation 
is  connected  with  the  dynasty  of  David,  but  the  son  of 
Jesse  occupies  a  prominent  place  in  the  hopes  concerning 
the  future,  from  the  time  of  his  glorious  reign  to  the  end 
of  the  Old  Testament  period.  (4)  The  objection  based  on 
the  emphasis  laid  upon  material  blessings  might  hold 
good  of  verses  11-15  taken  by  themselves,  but  not  of 
verses  8-15,  for  in  verses  8-10  the  ethical  note  is  very 
pronounced;  the  material  blessings  are  promised  only  to 
the  righteous  nucleus  which,  because  of  its  righteousness, 

44  True,  5.  15  is  rejected  by  some,  but  on  insufficient  grounds,  the 
chief  reason  being  that  its  testimony  is  troublesome. 

46  The  subject  resolves  itself  into  the  more  general  question  as  to 
whether  all  Messianic  predictions  represent  later  attempts  to  modify 
the  severity  of  the  earlier  prophets.  Proof  to  sustain  this  position  is 
still  wanting.  See  vol.  I,  pp.  137-139. 

416 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


escapes  the  judgment.  Material  prosperity  is  an  essential 
element  in  the  Messianic  hope  from  beginning  to  end. 
(5)  It  is  true  that  Amos  always  represents  the  whole 
people  as  the  object  of  punishment;  and  this  is  the  case 
in  verses  8-10;  but  is  it  reasonable  to  believe  that  Amos, 
with  his  lofty  conception  of  Yahweh  as  a  God  of  right¬ 
eousness,  would  expect  the  effects  of  the  judgment  to 
be  the  same  in  all  cases?  Is  it  not  more  reasonable  to 
believe  that  a  prophet  of  righteousness  and  a  God  of 
righteousness  would  recognize  the  distinction  implied  in 
these  verses?  (6)  Do  verses  11,  14,  15  imply  the  exile 
as  a  fact  of  history?  In  this  connection  much  is  made  of 
verse  11,  which,  it  is  claimed,  presupposes  the  fall  of  the 
Davidic  dynasty  in  586  b.  c.  In  reply  the  following  con¬ 
siderations  may  be  urged :  a.  The  Hebrew  permits  the 
reference  to  a  future  overthrow  of  the  dynasty  of  David. 
b.  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel,  whose  denunciations  were  as 
severe  as  those  of  Amos,  and  whose  conviction  that 
Judah  and  Jerusalem  would  fall  was  unwavering,  did 
not  hesitate  to  draw  the  brightest  pictures  of  the  restora¬ 
tion,  even  while  the  destruction  of  the  city  was  still  in 
the  future,  c.  Even  in  the  days  of  Amos  the  dynasty  of 
David  had  lost  much  of  its  former  splendor.  Well  might 
the  prophet  wish  for  a  restoration  “as  in  the  days  of 
old.”  The  division  subsequent  to  the  death  of  Solomon 
robbed  Judah  and  the  dynasty  of  David  of  much  prestige 
and  power  and  was  greatly  deplored  by  Isaiah;46  more¬ 
over,  only  a  generation  before  Amos,  Judah  had  suffered 
serious  humiliation.47  (6)  The  similarities  between  Amos 
and  other  writings  are  not  of  such  a  nature  that  definite 
inferences  regarding  priority  and  date  can  be  drawn. 

46  Isa.  7.  17. 

47  2  Kings  14.  13,  14. 


417 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


Evidently,  no  dogmatic  assertions  are  justified.  No 
doubt  the  passage  presents  some  peculiarities,  but  they 
are  not  sufficiently  numerous  or  decisive  to  have  con¬ 
vinced  all  scholars  that  the  verses  must  be  denied  to 
Amos.  Some  of  the  chief  difficulties  would  vanish  com¬ 
pletely  if  we  could  assume  that  these  verses  were  not  a 
part  of  the  message  delivered  at  Bethel,  but  were  added 
when  Amos  or  his  immediate  disciples  put  the  prophecies 
in  writing  and  prepared  them  for  a  wider  circle.48 

The  internal  history  of  the  book  of  Amos  is  exceed¬ 
ingly  simple:  (i)  About  the  middle  of  the  eighth  cen¬ 
tury  b.  c.  Amos  delivered  at  Bethel  a  series  of  proph¬ 
ecies  against  the  kingdom  of  Israel;  (2)  The  substance 
of  these  discourses,  reduced  to  poetic  form,  and  certain 
biographical  material  were  combined  into  the  present 
book  of  Amos,  either  by  Amos  himself  or  by  his  im¬ 
mediate  disciples.  (3)  In  the  course  of  transmission 
minor  glosses  and  explanatory  notes  were  added,  and 
some  expansions  took  place;  but  these  did  not  seriously 
affect  the  original  book,  which  has  come  down  to  the 
present  practically  in  the  form  it  assumed  in  the  eighth 
century  b.  c.49 

Times  of  Amos.  According  to  1.  i,50  Amos  prophesied 


48  Few  of  the  passages  considered  at  length  can  be  denied  with  any 
degree  of  assurance  to  the  eighth-century  prophet;  but  there  are  nu¬ 
merous  words,  phrases,  and  clauses,  which  are  in  the  nature  of  later 
glosses  and  expansions;  but  these  can  be  studied  only  in  connection  with 
a  detailed  exegetical  study. 

49  Those  who  deny  more  extensive  sections  to  Amos  hold  much  more 
complicated  views  of  the  internal  history  of  the  book.  For  several  such 
views  see  W.  R.  Harper,  Amos  and  Hosea,  pp.  cxxxiii-cxxxvi. 

60  The  title  is  undoubtedly  a  later  addition,  but  “whatever  may  be  the 
age  of  the  superscription,  it  is  entirely  consistent  with  the  contents  of 
the  book  and  is  to  be  accepted  as  historical. ” 

418 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


(i)  while  Jeroboam  was  king  of  Israel  and  Uzziah  king 
of  Judah,51  and  (2)  two  years  before  the  earthquake.52 
The  date  may,  perhaps,  be  fixed  more  definitely  by  infer¬ 
ence  from  2  Kings  14.  25  and  Amos  6.  14;  for  a  com¬ 
parison  of  the  two  passages  suggests  that  the  conquests 
of  Jeroboam  had  already  taken  place  when  Amos  arose. 
Furthermore,  the  tone  of  the  entire  book  suggests  that 
the  evil  consequences  of  the  prosperity  resulting  from  the 
successful  undertakings  of  Jeroboam  had  made  them¬ 
selves  already  felt  when  Amos  entered  upon  his  prophetic 
career.  It  seems  safe,  therefore,  to  place  the  activity  of 
Amos  after  the  middle  of  Jeroboam’s  reign,  or,  not  far 
from  750  b.  c.53 

The  period  in  which  Amos  arose  was  one  of  great 
external  prosperity.  The  nation  had  but  recently  re¬ 
covered  from  a  state  of  extreme  depression.  During  the 
reigns  of  Jehu  and  Jehoahaz  it  had  suffered  from  the 
Syrians  so  severely54  that  it  seemed  on  the  very  verge  of 
destruction.  But  under  the  successor  of  Jehoahaz, 
namely,  Joash  or  Jehoash,  the  fortunes  of  Israel  began 


61  According  to  this  note,  the  ministry  of  Amos  falls  between  782  and 
741  B.  C.,  for  the  longest  possible  reign  that  may  be  ascribed  to  Uzziah 
covers  approximately  789-740  b.  c.,  that  of  Jeroboam  II,  782-741  b.  c. 
That  Jeroboam  was  still  upon  the  throne  is  implied  in  7.  9,  10. 

62  This  earthquake  is  spoken  of  also  in  Zech.  14.  5,  as  having  occurred 
in  the  days  of  Uzziah,  but  its  exact  date  is  not  known. 

63  A  date  in  the  late  postexilic  period  has  been  suggested  (. American 
Journal  of  Semitic  Languages,  xviii,  pp.  66-93) ;  also  a  date  during  the 
early  part  of  Josiah’s  reign,  between  638  and  621  b.  c.  (Elhorst, 
De  Prophetie  van  Amos).  A  date  after  the  accession  of  Tiglath-pileser 
IV,  in  745  b.  c.  is  suggested  on  the  ground  that  during  the  twenty-five 
years  prior  to  that  date  Assyria  was  so  inactive  that  it  could  not  have 
inspired  Amos’  utterances  (Wildeboer,  Einleitung,  p.  no).  However, 
the  date  suggested  above  is  the  most  probable. 

H  2  Kings  10.  32,  33;  13.  3,  7. 

419 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


to  turn.55  The  successes  continued  under  Jeroboam  II, 
who  became  a  “saviour”  of  Israel,56  recovered  all  the 
territory  that  had  been  lost,  and  extended  the  borders  of 
Israel  in  every  direction.57  As  a  result  of  these  successes 
in  war,  the  revival  of  commerce,  and  the  rapid  develop¬ 
ment  of  internal  resources,  Israel  rose  to  a  pitch  of  power 
and  prosperity  greater  than  the  nation  had  enjoyed  since 
the  division  of  the  kingdom. 

The  book  of  Amos  presents  a  vivid  picture  of  this  pros¬ 
perity.  The  luxury  of  the  rich,  made  possible  by  in¬ 
creased  wealth,  met  the  eyes  of  the  simple  herdsman  on 
every  hand.  The  palaces  built  of  hewn  stone,58  some  of 
them  paneled  with  ivory,59  the  pretentious  summer  resi¬ 
dences  and  winter  residences,60  the  extravagant  interior 
finish,61  all  were  to  him  evidence  that  the  former  sim¬ 
plicity  and  stability  were  threatened  with  extinction. 
He  could  not  avoid  seeing  or  hearing  the  drunken  revel¬ 
ries;62  nor  could  he  be  blind  to  the  mad  extravagance 
which  found  satisfaction  only  in  possessing  the  choicest 
and  best  of  everything,  the  chief  oils,  the  most  delicate 
meats,  the  best  music.63  The  sanctuaries  shared  in  the 
general  prosperity.  The  chief  sanctuary  at  Bethel  was 
under  royal  patronage64  and  was  thronged  with  wor¬ 
shipers;65  other  sanctuaries  were  diligently  visited;66 
offerings  and  tithes  were  brought  regularly  and  in  abun- 

55  2  Kings  13.  25.  In  part  these  victories  were  due  to  the  fact  that  at 
this  time  the  forces  of  Syria  were  needed  for  the  defense  of  their  home¬ 
land  against  the  Assyrians  in  the  southeast. 


2  Kings  14.  27. 

62  6.  5,  6. 

2  Kings  14.  23-29. 

63  6.  5,  6. 

Amos  5.  11. 

64  7-  I3« 

3-  15- 

85  9. 1. 

3-  15. 

66  4*  4;  5-  51  8.  14. 

3-  12;  6.  4. 

420 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


dance;67  feasts  were  celebrated  enthusiastically  and  with 
all  possible  pomp.68 

A  nation  so  prosperous  and  so  zealous  in  the  fulfillment 
of  its  religious  obligations  might  well  be  called  blessed. 
But  the  prophet  was  not  deceived  by  the  superficial  pros¬ 
perity.  He  saw  the  dark  side  of  the  national  life  with 
equal  clearness.  The  wealth  and  luxury  of  the  rich  were 
obtained  by  violence  and  robbery,69  by  oppression  of  the 
poor  and  needy,  who  were  driven  into  actual  slavery  by 
their  cruel  creditors,70  by  dishonest  trading,  in  which 
every  possible  advantage  was  taken  of  the  unsuspecting 
buyer,71  by  exacting  presents  and  bribes.72  Women  were 
no  better  than  men;  to  satisfy  their  appetites  they  urged 
their  husbands  to  greater  cruelties.73  The  corruption  of 
the  courts  of  justice  was  notorious;74  the  poor  could  get 
no  equitable  hearing,  and  justice  was  bought  and  sold.75 
Immorality  was  practiced  without  shame.76  Tradesmen 
were  impatient  at  the  interruption  of  their  greedy  pur¬ 
suits  by  the  sacred  days.77  Humane  feelings  were 
smothered.78  The  political  leaders,  who'  should  have 
been  the  protectors  and  guardians  of  the  people,  were  the 
leaders  in  vice  and  crime,79  and  were  indifferent  to  the 
“affliction  of  Joseph.”80  Those  who  attempted  to  re¬ 
prove  the  wrong  and  uphold  the  right  were  despised  and 
abhorred.81 

With  this  flagrant  disregard  of  all  human  and  divine 


67  4.  4,  5- 

76  5. 

12. 

68  5.  21-23. 

78  2. 

7. 

69  9.  10. 

77  8. 

5- 

70  2.  6,  7;  8.  6. 

78  2. 

8. 

71  8.  4-6. 

79  6. 

1-6. 

72  5.  11,  12. 

80  6. 

6. 

73  4.  1. 

81  5. 

10;  7 

74  5.  7,  10,  12;  6.  12. 

421 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


law  there  went,  strangely  enough,  a  feeling  of  absolute 
security  and  self-righteousness.  The  great  mass  of  peo¬ 
ple  believed  that  in  view  of  their  painstaking  observance 
of  the  external  ceremonial  they  had  a  claim  on  the  divine 
favor,  and  that  Yahweh  was  bound  to  be  with  them  and 
protect  them  from  all  harm.82  This  deplorable  religious, 
social,  and  moral  condition  was  all  due,  in  the  thought  of 
the  prophet,  to  a  false  conception  of  the  character  of 
Yahweh;  hence  his  persistent  effort  to  give  to  his  hearers 
a  more  adequate  knowledge  of  their  God.83 

The  Prophet.  In  the  midst  of  the  social  abuses,  the 
moral  corruption,  and  the  religious  self -contentment  de¬ 
scribed  in  the  preceding  paragraphs  the  message  of  Amos 
fell  like  a  thunderbolt.  Who  was  this  brave  and  fear¬ 
less  representative  of  righteousness  and  justice?  The 
book  bearing  his  name  is  the  only  source  of  information 
regarding  his  personal  life.  The  place  of  his  birth  is  not 
known;  his  home  was  Tekoa,84  which  has  been  sought 
in  different  parts  of  Palestine,85  but  is  undoubtedly  to  be 
identified  with  the  modern  Teku‘a,  on  the  high  ground  of 
Judah,  about  twelve  miles  south  of  Jerusalem  and  six 
miles  south  of  Bethlehem.  Amos  was  not  a  prophet  by 
education  or  profession,  nor  did  he  enter  the  prophetic 
office  by  way  of  the  prophetic  guilds.86  His  occupation 

82  5-  14* 

83  Says  A.  B.  Davidson:  “When  men  corrupt  the  image  of  God  in  their 
hearts,  they  forthwith  proceed  to  the  debasing  of  themselves  and  to 
such  enmity  and  strife  that  the  bonds  of  society  are  wholly  broken” 
(. Biblical  and  Literary  Essays,  p.  138). 

84  1.  1. 

86  In  the  territory  of  Zebulon  (Pseudepiphanius,  De  vitis  prophetarum, 
243);  in  Asher  (Kimchi);  in  the  south  of  Palestine  but  in  territory 
belonging  to  the  northern  kingdom  (Cyril;  among  modems,  Cheyne); 
the  same  as  Eltekeh,  Josh.  19.  44  (Graetz),  etc. 

86  Amos  7.  14. 


422 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


was  that  of  a  herdsman87  and  a  dresser  of  sycomore88 
trees.89  Both  occupations  were  rather  humble.90  It  was 
while  he  was  following  his  daily  occupation  that  the 
divine  call  reached  him,  but  it  did  not  find  him  unpre¬ 
pared.91  He  belonged  to  the  “right-minded  minority” 

87  i.  i ;  7.  14.  In  the  former  passage  the  Hebrew  has  nofyedh,  that  is, 
the  keeper  of  a  certain  species  of  sheep  called  among  the  Arabs  nakad' 
The  same  term  is  applied  to  king  Mesha  of  Moab,  in  2  Kings  3.  4,  where 
it  is  translated  4 ‘sheep  master.”  The  Hebrew  boker,  “tender  of  cattle,” 
in  7.  14,  may  be  a  corruption  from  an  original  ndkedh,  the  two  words 
resembling  each  other  quite  closely  in  Hebrew. 

88  The  sycomore  does  not  grow  at  as  high  a  level  as  Tekoa,  which 
fact  has  been  urged  against  identifying  the  home  of  Amos  with  Tekoa 
in  Judah.  There  is,  however,  no  necessity  for  supposing  that  his 
sycomore  trees  were  right  in  Tekoa  or  in  the  immediate  neighborhood 
of  the  town.  The  groves  may  have  been  located  in  the  lower  parts  to 
the  east  or  southeast,  where  a  milder  temperature  prevailed. 

89  The  Hebrew  is  boles  shikemtm,  meaning  literally,  “one  who  handles 
the  fig-shaped  fruit  of  the  sycomore.”  The  fruit  of  the  Palestinian 
sycomore,  or  fig-mulberry  tree,  grows  on  little  sprigs  rising  directly 
out  of  the  stem,  in  clusters  like  grapes.  It  is  like  a  small  fig  in  shape  and 
size,  but  insipid  and  woody  in  taste.  It  is  infected  with  a  small  insect, 
and,  unless  the  fruit  is  punctured  to  allow  the  insect  to  escape,  does  not 
become  edible.  With  the  insect  escapes  a  bitter  juice,  whereupon  the 
fruit  ripens  and  becomes  edible,  though  never  very  palatable. 

90  Amos  may  ha.ve  owned  the  flocks  and  trees,  in  whole  or  in  part,  but 
the  statement  that  he  “followed  the  flock,”  in  7.  14,  indicates  that  he 
was  not  a  wealthy  sheep  master,  though  he  may  have  been  sufficiently 
prosperous  to  employ  an  assistant  during  his  absence  at  Bethel.  The 
language  of  the  prophecy  and  the  favorite  figures  bear  witness  that 
Amos  was  a  countryman,  accustomed  to  life  in  the  open  air  (2.  13; 
3.  4,  5,  12;  4.  2,  13;  5.  8;  6.  12;  7.  1-3;  9.  5,  6,  9;  etc.). 

91  While  Amos  was  of  humble  origin,  he  was  not  an  “unlettered 
rustic,”  as  may  be  seen  both  from  his  knowledge  of  history  and  society 
(see  further,  below,  p.  427),  and  the  excellence  of  his  literary  style. 
True,  Jerome  called  the  prophet  “rude  in  speech,”  but  since  the  days  of 
Jerome  many  scholars  have  expressed  their  admiration  for  the  strength 
and  purity  of  Amos’ literary  style.  In  the  words  of  Driver :  “The  style 
of  Amos  possesses  high  literary  merit.  His  language. . .  is  pure,  his 
syntax  is  idiomatic,  his  sentences  are  smoothly  constructed  and  clear” 
(Joel  and  Amos ,  p.  1 15). 

423 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


which,  in  spite  of  all  influences  to  the  contrary,  retained 
its  faith  in  and  loyalty  to  Yahweh.  With  an  open  mind 
and  quickened  conscience  he  undoubtedly  often  meditated 
upon  the  things  of  God,  as  he  dwelt  in  the  solitude  of  the 
desert.  Accustomed  to  the  simpler  life  of  the  herdsman, 
he  felt  more  keenly  the  extravagance,  luxury,  and  corrup¬ 
tion  of  the  aristocracy.  Compelled  to  defend  himself  and 
his  flock  against  the  dangers  of  the  desert,  he  did  not 
easily  shrink  from  the  dangers  confronting  a  prophet  of 
Yahweh.  Carefully  watching  every  shadow  and  noise, 
not  knowing  how  soon  a  wild  beast  would  rush  upon 
him  from  the  apparent  quietness,  he  readily  developed 
the  vigilance  and  power  of  discernment  which  kept  him 
from  being  deceived  by  the  superficial  piety  and  pros¬ 
perity  of  his  countrymen. 

The  part  played  by  the  lonely  shepherd  life  of  Amos 
in  his  preparation  for  the  prophetic  office  cannot  be  over¬ 
estimated.  But  Amos  did  not  receive  his  training  ex¬ 
clusively  in  the  solitude  of  the  desert.  “As  a  wool 
grower  Amos  must  have  had  his  yearly  journeys  among 
the  markets  of  the  land;  and  to  such  were  probably  due 
his  opportunities  for  familiarity  with  northern  Israel, 
the  originals  of  his  vivid  pictures  of  her  town  life,  her 
commerce,  and  her  worship  at  the  great  sanctuaries. 

.  .  .  By  road  and  market  he  would  meet  with  men  of 
other  lands.  Phoenician  pedlars,  or  Canaanites  as  they 
were  called,  .  .  .  men  of  Moab.  .  .  .  Aramaean 

hostages,  Philistines,  who  held  the  export  trade  to  Egypt 
— these  Amos  must  have  met  and  may  have  talked  with ; 
their  dialects  scarcely  differed  from  his  own.”92  To 
these  scenes,  observations,  and  interviews  Amos  brought 


fla  G.  A.  Smith,  The  Minor  Prophets,  I,  pp.  79,  80. 

424 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


from  the  desert  a  penetrating  vision,  a  quickened  con¬ 
science,  and  keen  powers  of  discernment. 

Thus  prepared  and  trained  in  the  school  of  life,  Amos 
heard  the  voice  of  Yahweh.  He  left  his  flocks  and 
sycomore  groves  and  journeyed  to  Bethel,  the  religious 
center  of  the  northern  kingdom.  There  under  the  shadow 
of  the  royal  sanctuary  he  delivered  his  messages  of  warn¬ 
ing  and  exhortation.  How  long  his  ministry  continued 
is  not  known.  Finally  Amaziah,  the  chief  priest,  accused 
the  prophet  of  treason  and  bade  him  return  to  his  own 
home  and  make  a  living  there.  Amos  stood  his  ground, 
defended  his  action,  and  repeated  his  message  of  judg¬ 
ment.  Of  the  prophet’s  later  life  nothing  is  known.  In 
view  of  the  well-planned  disposition  of  the  book  it  is 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  after  completing  his  prophetic 
ministration  he  returned  to  Tekoa,  resumed  his  former 
occupation,  and  at  his  leisure  arranged  or  supervised  the 
arrangement  of  his  orally  delivered  discourses.93 

Teaching  of  Amos.  The  significance  of  Amos  and 
the  other  eighth-century  prophets  in  the  development  of 
Yahweh  religion  cannot  easily  be  overestimated.  Dur¬ 
ing  that  century  the  religion  of  Yahweh  was  confronted 
by  two  serious  dangers:  (i)  The  moral  and  religious 
corruption,  to  which  attention  has  already  been  called; 
(2)  the  successes  of  the  Assyrians,  which  to  the  great 
mass  of  people  were  an  evidence  of  the  superiority  of 
the  Assyrian  deities,  and  might  lead  to  apostasy  from 
Yahweh.  The  fundamental  need  of  the  hour  was  a 

93  A  late  Christian  tradition,  whose  origin  is  obscure,  asserts  that 
Amos  was  frequently  struck  by  Amaziah,  and  that  finally  he  was 
fatally  wounded  by  the  latter’s  son,  because  the  prophet  rebuked  him 
for  worshiping  the  “calves,”  that  Amos  lived  until  he  reached  his  own 
land,  died  there,  and  was  buried  with  his  fathers.  Jerome  and  Eusebius 
affirm  that  in  their  days  the  tomb  of  Amos  was  shown  at  Tekoa. 

4^5 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


statement  or  restatement,  on  the  one  hand,  of  the  true 
nature  and  character  of  Yahweh,  and,  on  the  other,  of 
the  proper  relation  of  Yahweh  to  Israel  and  to  the 
surrounding  nations.  Amos  and  his  contemporaries 
in  the  prophetic  office  supplied  this  demand :  They 
pointed  out  that  Yahweh  is  a  righteous  and  holy  God, 
that  the  nation  is  guilty  in  his  sight,  that  his  very 
character  compels  him  to  punish  them,  that  he  is  using 
the  Assyrians  as  an  instrument  of  scourging.  The 
emphasis  on  the  divine  righteousness  and  holiness  was 
intended  to  counteract  the  internal  religious  danger, 
while  the  emphasis  on  Yahweh’s  control  of  the 
Assyrians  was  to  show  that  the  victories  of  the  Assyrians 
did  not  prove  the  superiority  of  their  deities,  but  on  the 
contrary,  the  unique  power  and  supremacy  of  Yahweh. 

Amos  was  the  first  of  the  four  eighth-century  prophets 
to  redefine  the  Yahweh  concept,  and  with  him  opened  an 
era  of  constructive  thinking  hardly  surpassed  in  any 
other  period  of  human  history.94  Nevertheless,  it  is  not 
quite  correct  to  say  that  Amos  “marks  an  entirely  new 
departure  in  the  religious  history  of  Israel” — in  other 
words,  that  he  is  the  founder  of  Yahwism  in  Israel. 
Amos  regards  himself,  not  as  an  innovator,  but  as  a  re¬ 
former.  He  assumes  that  the  people  might  have  known 
Yahweh  and  his  will,  for  he  represents  their  wrongdoing 
not  as  the  result  of  intellectual  ignorance  but  of  stub¬ 
bornness  of  heart.95  He  is  not  conscious  of  preaching  a 

94  Comill  is  right  in  saying:  “Amos  is  one  of  the  most  wonderful 
appearances  in  the  history  of  the  human  spirit”  {Prophets  of  Israel , 
p.  42).  Similarly,  G.  A.  Smith:  “The  Book  of  Amos  opens  one  of  the 
greatest  stages  in  the  religious  development  of  mankind”  {The  Minor 
Prophets,  I,  p.  73).  W.  R.  Smith  calls  Amos  “the  founder  of  a  new  type 
of  prophecy”  {Prophets  of  Israel,  p.  120). 

95  Amos  2.  12. 


426 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


new  faith,  but  strives  to  recall  the  people  to  allegiance  to 
Yahweh  from  whom,  he  believes,  they  have  wandered. 
Moreover,  Amos  refers  to  earlier  prophets,96  whose  suc¬ 
cessor  he  conceives  himself  to  be.  The  theological  style 
and  terminology  of  the  book  also  point  to  a  line  of  earlier 
prophets;  for  it  is  impossible  to  believe  that  the  fluent 
prophetic  style  and  fixed  religious  terminology'  came 
from  a  pioneer  in  the  field  of  Yahweh  religion.  A.  B. 
Davidson,  speaking  of  the  lofty  spiritual  and  ethical 
teaching  of  the  eighth-century  prophets,  says :  “It  is  the 
perfect  efflorescence  of  a  tree  whose  roots  stood  in  the 
soil  of  Israel  from  the  beginning,  whose  vital  energies 
had  always  been  moving  towards  flower,  and  which 
burst  forth  at  last  in  the  gorgeous  blaze  of  color  which 
we  see.”97 

96  2.  ii ;  compare  3.  7. 

97  Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible ,  article  “Prophecy  and  Prophets.” 
In  this  connection  attention  may  be  directed  to  Amos’  knowledge  of 
the  nation’s  history,  laws,  and  religious  practices.  As  illustrations  of 
the  prophet’s  remarkable  familiarity  with  the  early  history  of  the  nation 
may  be  mentioned  Jacob  and  Esau  (1. 1 1),  “Moab  shall  die  with  tumult” 
(2.  2;  compare  Num.  24.  17),  the  exodus  (2.  10),  the  wanderings  in  the 
desert  (2.  10;  5.  25),  the  stature  of  the  Amorites  (2.  9),  the  fame  of 
David  as  a  musician  (6.  5).  He  is  also  acquainted  with  some  of  the 
laws  of  the  Pentateuch.  In  2.  8  he  condemns  the  breach  of  the  law 
concerning  (pledges  (Exod.  22.  26);  and  he  accuses  Judah  of  rejecting  the 
law  and  statutes  of  Yahweh  (2.  4).  The  existence  of  a  fully  developed 
ceremonial  is  presupposed.  The  offering  of  “leavened”  sacrifices  is 
condemned  (4.  5),  new  moons  and  Sabbaths  were  observed  by  abstaining 
from  ordinary  labor  (8.  5),  feasts  were  kept  and  solemn  assemblies 
were  held  (5.  21;  8.  10),  sacrifices,  burnt  offerings,  meal  offerings,  peace 
offerings,  freewill  offerings  and  tithes  are  mentioned  (4.  4,  5 ;  5.  22).  From 
this  familiarity  some  have  inferred  that  Amos  knew  the  Pentateuch  in 
its  present  form.  Such  inference  is  entirely  unwarranted,  for  not  a  single 
statement  in.  the  book  proves  or  even  implies  the  existence  of  the 
Pentateuch  in  its  present  form.  One  may  go  further  and  assert  that 
nothing  in  the  book  places  it  beyond  doubt  that  any  part  of  the  Pen¬ 
tateuch  was  known  to  Amos  in  written  form.  The  only  thing  beyond 

427 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


The  teaching  of  Amos  may  conveniently  be  sum¬ 
marized  under  two  heads:  I.  The  prophet's  conception 
of  Yahweh,  the  God  of  Israel;  2.  The  prophet’s  concep¬ 
tion  of  Israel,  the  people  of  Yahweh. 

In  the  thought  of  Amos,  Yahweh  is  the  only  truly 
great  and  powerful  God.  Amos  cannot  be  called  a  dog¬ 
matic  monotheist,  and  yet  Marti  is  correct  when  he  says 
that  “monotheism  is  present  in  essence  if  not  in  name.” 
Concerning  this  God  Amos  teaches  (1)  that  he  is  a 
Person:  he  is  capable  of  every  emotion,  volition,  and 
activity  of  which  a  person  is  capable.  He  swears  by  him¬ 
self,98  repents,99  communicates  with  others,100  issues 
commands,101  determines  upon  lines  of  action,102  hates 
and  abhors.103  (2)  The  great  power  of  Yahweh  may 
be  seen  in  the  acts  of  creation,104  as  also  in  the  continu¬ 
ous  control  which  he  exercises  over  the  forces  of 
nature105  and  the  nations  of  the  earth.106  (3)  The  pres¬ 
ence  of  Yahweh  is  not  limited  to  Israel;  he  holds  sway 
over  other  nations107  and  may  pursue  his  enemies  to  the 

question  is  that  much  of  the  material  now  in  the  Pentateuch  was 
common  property  in  the  eighth  century  b.  c.  There  may  have  been, 
and  probably  were,  in  existence  some  historical  documents,  or  some 
writings  of  a  legal  character,  from  which  the  prophet  gathered  his 
historical  and  legal  information;  but  the  extent  and  exact  contents  of 
these  documents  cannot  be  determined  from  the  book  of  Amos. 

98  6.  8 ;  compare  4.  2. 

99  7-  3- 

100  3-  7- 

101  9-  3,  4- 

102  6.  8;  7.  3. 

103  5.  21,  22;  6.  8. 

104  4.  13;  5.  8,  9;  9.  6.  These  verses  are  denied  by  some  to  Amos;  see 
above,  pp.  4 12-4 14. 

106  4.  6-II,  13;  5.  8;  8.  9;  9.  5,  6. 

106  1.  3  to  2.  3;  2.  9-16;  9.  7. 

107  Chapters  1  and  2. 


428 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


ends  of  the  earth.108  (4)  Yahweh’s  knowledge  is  equally 
extensive;  he  has  no  difficulty  in  discovering  the  hiding 
places  of  the  fugitive  sinners.109  (5)  Perhaps  the  most 
important  element  is  the  constant  emphasis  on  Yahweh’s 
righteousness;  he  takes  no  delight  in  superficial  and 
external  worship;110  he  deals  with  all  nations,  Israel  in¬ 
cluded,  according  to  ethical  principles;111  his  supreme  de¬ 
mand  is,  “Let  justice  roll  down  as  waters,  and  righteous¬ 
ness  as  a  mighty  stream.”112  (6)  Only  rarely  does  Amos 
suggest  that  Yahweh  is  a  merciful  God.  Twice  he  dares 
to  intercede  in  behalf  of  the  sinful  nation,113  and  once  he 
holds  out  a  promise  that  under  certain  conditions  Yah¬ 
weh  may  be  gracious  unto  a  remnant  of  Jacob.114 

The  prophet’s  teaching  concerning  Israel  is  a  reflec¬ 
tion  of,  or  a  deduction  from,  his  teaching  concerning 
Yahweh:  (1)  Amos  is  thoroughly  convinced  that,  though 
Yahweh  sustains  vital  relations  to  other  nations,  he  has  a 
peculiar  interest  in  Israel ;  Israel  is  in  a  special  sense  the 
people  of  Yahweh.115  (2)  As  the  people  of  Yahweh 
Israel  is  under  obligation  to  reflect  the  character  of  her 
God;  otherwise,  intimate  fellowship  between  the  two  is 
impossible.116  (3)  In  order  that  Israel  may  know  his 
will  Yahweh  has  made  himself  known,  through  prophets 
and  Nazirites,117  through  the  law — to  Judah,118  through 
Amos,119  and  through  the  acts  of  divine  providence.120 
The  privileges  thus  granted  to  Israel  involve  increased 
responsibilities  and  obligations.121  (4)  In  spite  of  the 


108 

109 

110 
111 
112 

113 

114 


9-  2ff. 

9.  2ff. 

4.  4,  5;  5.  21-23. 


3.  i,  2;  7.  7-9;  8.  1-3;  9.  8;  etc. 
5.  24. 

7-  2,  5- 

5.  15;  questioned  by  some. 


116  2.  9,  10;  3.  1,  2. 

116  3.  2;  5.  4,  24;  6.  14. 

117  2.  1 1 ;  3.  7. 

118  2.  4. 

119  3-  8;  7-  15* 

120  4.  6-1 1. 

121  3.  2. 


429 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


divine  interest  and  care  Israel  has  fallen  far  short  of  the 
divine  ideal.  Righteousness  and  justice  are  trampled 
under  foot,122  the  poor  and  needy  are  oppressed,123  the 
name  of  Yahweh  is  dishonored  by  the  immoral  practices 
connected  with  the  worship;124  indeed,  the  whole  system 
of  worship  is  an  abomination  to  Yahweh  because  it  is 
not  practiced  in  the  right  spirit,  nor  backed  by  a  con¬ 
sistent  life.125  (5)  A  righteous  God  must  execute  judg¬ 
ment  upon  a  sinful  people.126  The  judgment  will  take 
the  form  of  a  foreign  invasion  and  consequent  exile, 
which  will  result  in  national  destruction.127  (6)  From 
the  judgment  a  faithful  remnant  will  escape.128  This 
remnant  will  form  the  nucleus  of  the  new  kingdom  of 
God,  whose  rulers  will  be  of  the  dynasty  of  David;  the 
surrounding  nations  will  be  reconquered,  and  the  soil  will 
be  blessed  with  extraordinary  fertility,  so  that  the  new 
nation  may  dwell  in  peace  and  prosperity  forever.129 

4.  The  Book  of  Obadiah 

Name  and  Place  in  Canon.  In  the  Massoretic  text  the 
name  of  the  prophet  is  written  tT'ilnV,1  ‘ Obhadhyah,  which 
means  “worshiper  of  Yahweh,”  and  this  vocalization  is 
supported  by  the  heading  of  the  book  in  the  Codex 

122  5-  7- 

123  2.  6,  7;  3.  10;  5.  11,  12. 

124  2.  7,  8. 

126  5.  21-23. 

128  2.  13-16;  3.  14,  15;  9.  8;  etc. 

127  3.  1 1 ;  4.  3;  5.  27;  6.  14. 

128  5-  J5;  9-  1  !•  On  the  authenticity  of  the  promise  sections  see  above, 
pp.  414-418. 

129  9-  n-15;  see  preceding  note. 

1  The  longer  form  is  found  in  the  Old  Testament  and  in 

Semitic  inscriptions  (Benzinger,  Hebrceische  Archceologie,  p.  258). 

430 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


Vaticanus  text  of  the  Septuagint,  ’op SaoO-  Other  manu¬ 
scripts  of  the  Septuagint  favor  the  Vulgate  reading 
Abdias,  which  presupposes  the  Hebrew  STJD?  = 
“servant  of  Yahweh.’’2  The  suggestion  has  been  made 
that  Obadiah  is  not  a  proper  name  at  all,3  but  an  appella¬ 
tive  noun  describing  the  author  simply  as  a  servant  or 
prophet  of  Yahweh.  '  The  frequent  occurrence  of  the 
name  in  the  Old  Testament4  makes  this  interpretation  im¬ 
probable,  but  it  must  be  admitted  that  nothing  is  known 
of  the  Obadiah  who  is  credited  with  the  writing  of  this, 
the  shortest  book  in  the  Old  Testament.5 

In  the  Hebrew  as  in  the  English  Bible  the  book  of 
Obadiah  occupies  fourth  place;  in  the  Septuagint,  fifth 
place,  the  order  being  Hosea,  Amos,  Micah,  Joel,  Oba¬ 
diah.  Some  have  thought  that  the  position  in  the  list 
points  to  an  early  date  for  the  prophet,  but  the  position 
may  be  due  to  other  than  chronological  considerations. 
The  collector  or  collectors  of  the  Minor  Prophets  may 
have  placed  the  book  after  Amos  because  they  regarded  it 
an  expansion  of  the  prophecy  against  Edom  in  Amos  9. 
12, 6  and  before  Jonah,  because  they  saw  in  Jonah  an 
illustration  of  the  statement  in  Obad.  1  regarding  an 
ambassador  sent  among  the  nations. 

2  Compare  1  Chron.  5.  15;  9.  16;  Neh.  11.  17. 

3  As  in  the  case  of  Malachi;  see  below,  p.  591. 

4  Thirteen  persons  bearing  the  name  “Obadiah”  are  mentioned  in  the 

Old  Testament. 

6  The  best-known  person  bearing  the  name  is  the  minister  of  Ahab 
who  offered  protection  to  the  prophets  of  Yahweh  in  the  days  of  Elijah 
(1  Kings  18.  1- 1 6).  Delitzsch  thinks  that  the  prophet  may  be  identified 
with  the  teacher  of  the  law  under  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chron.  17.  7);  others 
have  identified  him  with  the  overseer  under  Josiah  (2  Chron.  34.  12), 
or  with  the  anonymous  prophet  under  Amaziah  (2  Chron.  25.  7),  but 
none  of  these  theories  have  adquate  foundations. 

6  First  suggested  by  Schnurrer,  in  1787. 

431 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


Contents  and  Outline.  The  twenty-one  verses  of  the 
book  center  around  a  single  theme — the  utter  destruction 
of  Edom,  which  will  clear  the  way  for  the  exaltation 
of  the  Jews. 

Title  and  Introduction:  Edom’s  hostile  purposes  against  Judah 
(verse  i). 

I.  Utter  Destruction  of  Edom  (2-16). 

1.  Announcement  of  the  judgment  (2-9). 

(1)  Inability  of  Edom’s  natural  defenses  to  save  her  (2-4). 

(2)  Completeness  of  the  destruction  (5,  6). 

(3)  Treachery  of  her  allies  (7). 

(4)  Failure  of  Edom’s  wisdom  and  might  (8,  9). 

2.  Causes  of  the  judgment  (10-14). 

(1)  Unbrotherly  conduct  of  Edom  toward  Judah  (10,  11). 

(2)  Warning  to  desist  from  this  conduct  (12-14). 

3.  Terrors  of  the  day  of  Yahweh  (15,  16). 

II.  Exaltation  of  the  Jews  (17-21). 

1.  Restoration  of  a  remnant  (17). 

2.  Conquest  of  Edom  and  other  surrounding  nations  (18-20). 

3.  Yahweh’s  universal  sway  (21). 

Unity  and  Date.  The  short  book  of  Obadiah  presents 
some  very  perplexing  critical  problems.  Regarding  its 
unity  and  date,  four  distinct  views  have  been  held  and 
are  still  advocated :  1.  The  book  is  a  unity  and  preexilic;7 
2.  it  is  a  unity  and  exilic;8  3.  it  consists  of  a  preexilic 
prophecy  and  later,  postexilic  elements;9  4.  it  consists 
of  two  or  more  portions,  all  postexilic.10  Earlier  com¬ 
mentators  accepted  the  book  as  a  unity  and  were  inclined 
to  assign  it  to  an  early  date.  The  first  to  question  the 

7  Caspari,  von  Hofmann,  Delitzsch,  Keil,  Kirkpatrick,  N.  Peters,  etc. 

8  For  instance,  Hitzig  and  Kent. 

9  Ewald,  Kuenen,  Cornill,  in  the  first  four  editions  of  his  Einleitung , 
Wildeboer,  Driver,  G.  A.  Smith,  Kautzsch,  Bewer,  etc. 

10  Eichhom,  Wellhausen,  Nowack,  Comill,  in  the  fifth  edition  of  his 
Einleitung ,  Duhm,  Gray,  Marti,  Haupt,  etc. 

432 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


unity  of  the  book  was  Eichhorn,11  who  dated  Obadiah 
after  586  b.  c.  and  regarded  verses  17-21  an  appendix 
from  the  time  of  Alexander  Jannseus.  Ewald  suggested 
that  the  original  prophecy  came  from  a  contemporary  of 
Isaiah,  and  that  the  present  book  owed  its  origin  to  an 
exilic  prophet  who  made  use  of  the  earlier  work.  With 
some  important  modifications,  this  continues  to  be  the 
view  of  many  modern  authors.  Several  recent  writers 
have  returned  more  closely  to  the  view  of  Eichhorn. 
Thus  Wellhausen,  followed  by  Nowack,  Marti,  Cornill, 
Duhm,  and  others,  connects  the  original  prophecy12  with 
the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  in  586  b.  c.,  and  regards  the  clos¬ 
ing  verses  as  a  later  appendix.13 

The  evidence  on  the  basis  of  which  the  problem  must 
be  solved  may  be  considered  under  three  heads :  ( 1 )  The 
position  of  the  book  in  the  series  of  Minor  Prophets  ;  (2) 
the  historical  references  and  allusions,  especially  in  11- 
14;  (3)  the  literary  parallels  with  other  Old  Testament 
literature,  especially  the  resemblances  between  1-9  and 
Jer.  49.  7-22. 

As  has  been  pointed  out,  no  inference  may  be  drawn 
from  the  position  of  the  book  in  the  collection  of  Minor 
Prophets,  for  the  arrangement  was  determined  by  other 
than  chronological  considerations. 

The  historical  references  in  11-14  presuppose  a  capture 
and  devastation  of  Jerusalem.  If  the  time  of  this  dis¬ 
aster  can  be  determined,  the  earliest  possible  date  of  at 
least  these  verses  is  fixed.  Now,  the  Old  Testament 
records  four  occasions  on  which  the  southern  capital 

11  In  the  fourth  edition  of  his  Einleitung ,  1824. 

12  Consisting  of  1-7  +  10-14. 

13  Barton  ( Jewish  Encyclopedia ,  article,  “Obadiah”)  recognizes  three 
parts:  (1)  a  preexilic  portion;  (2)  additions  by  Obadiah  in  the  early  post- 
exilic  days;  (3)  an  appendix,  probably  from  Maccabean  times. 

433 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


fell  into  the  hands  of  foreign  invaders:  (i)  Jerusalem 
was  taken  by  Shishak  of  Egypt  during  the  reign  of  Reho- 
boam.14  At  that  time  Edom  was  subject  to  Judah  and 
could  not  have  committed  the  crimes  described  in  these 
verses;  hence  this  capture  is  excluded.  (2)  According  to 
2  Chron.  21.  16,  17  the  city  was  sacked  by  Philistines 
and  Arabians.  This  is  the  occasion  favored  by  those 
who  believe  in  the  preexilic  date  of  Obadiah ;  but,  even 
assuming  that  the  Chronicler’s  account  is  reliable,  it  must 
remain  a  question  whether  the  calamity  which  befell 
Jerusalem  at  that  time  was  serious  enough  to  justify  the 
strong  and  vigorous  language  of  Obadiah.  (  3  )  The  wall 
of  the  city  was  broken  down  by  Jehoash  of  Israel.15  This 
calamity  cannot  be  in  the  mind  of  the  author,  because 
he  would  not  be  justified  in  calling  the  Israelites 
“strangers”  and  “foreigners.”16  (4)  In  586  b.  c.,  the 
city  was  plundered  and  finally  destroyed.17  As  a  matter 
of  simple  fact,  the  happenings  alluded  to  in  Obadiah  did 
not  take  place  in  connection  with  any  of  the  occupations 
of  the  city  recorded  in  the  Old  Testament  except  the  con¬ 
quest  by  Nebuchadrezzar  in  586  b.  c.  Consequently,  the 
prophecy  should  be  interpreted  as  a  denunciation  of 
Edom’s  hostility  during  the  crisis  which  resulted  in  the 
downfall  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah.18 

14  1  Kings  14.  25,  26;  2  Chron.  12.  1-12. 

15  2  Kings  14.  8-14;  2  Chron.  25.  17-24. 

18  Obad.  11. 

17  2  Kings  24.  ioff.;  2  Chron.  36.  9ft. 

18  True,  the  historical  books  do  not  name  the  Edomites  as  taking  an 
active  part  in  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  but  the  Old  Testament 
asserts  again  and  again  that  the  Edomites  were  bitter  enemies  of 
Israel,  and  there  is  abundant  evidence  in  exilic  and  postexilic  writings 
that  during  the  closing  years  of  Judah’s  national  history  the  old  hostile 
spirit  flared  up.  Compare,  for  instance,  Ezek.  25.  12-14,  35.  1-15;  Lam. 
4.  21;  Ps.  137.  7. 


434 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


The  conclusion  that  the  reference  is  to  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem  in  586  b.  c.  does  not  determine  the  date 
of  the  prophecy.  Before  that  can  be  done  another  ques¬ 
tion  must  be  considered :  Does  Obadiah  describe  an  his¬ 
torical  event  of  the  past  or  present  or  does  he  predict  an 
event  still  in  the  future?  Pusey  argues  emphatically  in 
favor  of  the  predictive  interpretation;19  but  his  argu¬ 
ments  are  based  on  an  artificial  conception  of  inspiration 
and  prophecy.  Language,  context,  analogy,  and  other 
considerations  all  combine  to  make  it  certain  that  the 
prophet  is  announcing  judgment  upon  Edom  for  wrong¬ 
doings  with  which  he  has  become  familiar  during  his 
own  lifetime.20  The  historical  references  in  11-14,  there¬ 
fore,  make  it  quite  certain  that  the  prophecy  cannot  come 
from  a  period  earlier  than  586  b.  c. 

One  of  the  most  perplexing  literary  problems  presented 
by  the  book  is  the  question  as  to  the  relation  of  Obadiah 
1-9  to  Jer.  49.  7-22.  No  one  can  read  the  two  passages 
without  being  convinced  that  the  marked  resemblances 
cannot  be  mere  coincidence.  Hence  they  must  be  ex¬ 
plained  in  one  of  three  ways :  Either  Obadiah  borrowed 
from  Jeremiah,  or  Jeremiah  borrowed  from  Obadiah,  or 
both  used,  each  for  his  own  purpose  and  in  his  own  way, 
a  common  original.  Now,  linguistic  features  as  well  as 
logical  connection  have  convinced  practically  all  modern 
scholars  that  Obadiah  presents  the  more  original  form 

19  Minor  Prophets ,  p.  344. 

20  The  statement  of  Pusey  that  the  events  to  which  the  prophet  alludes 
cannot  be  a  thing  of  the  past,  “because  God  does  not  warn  men 
against  sins  already  committed,”  rests  upon  a  misapprehension  of  the 
purpose  of  the  book.  The  prophecy  is  not  so  much  a  warning  as  an 
announcement  of  judgment;  its  purpose  is  not  so  much  to  prevent  new 
outbreaks  as  to  condemn  outrages  already  committed,  though  the  former 
purpose  is  also  kept  in  mind  (12-14). 

435 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


of  the  oracle,  which  makes  the  borrowing  of  Obadiah 
from  Jeremiah  improbable.  The  second  alternative,  that 
Jeremiah  borrowed  from  Obadiah,  is  not  without  serious 
difficulties :  ( i )  In  a  few  places  the  originality  seems  to 
lie  with  Jeremiah,  which  would  favor  the  priority  of 
Jeremiah,  unless  it  is  assumed  that  the  text  of  Obadiah 
suffered  after  Jeremiah  had  embodied  the  original  words 
of  Obadiah  in  his  own  prophecy.  (2)  More  serious  is 
the  fact  that  Jer.  49.  12  seems  to  imply  that  the  judg¬ 
ment  upon  the  Jews  is  still  in  the  future.  If  so,  Jere¬ 
miah  must  have  delivered  his  prophecy  before  the  de¬ 
struction  of  the  city,  which  excludes  the  possibility  of 
his  borrowing  from  an  oracle  delivered  after  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem.  These  considerations  have  led  many  scholars 
to  accept  the  third  alternative,  namely,  that  both  pas¬ 
sages  are  dependent  upon  an  earlier  utterance.21  If 
Jer.  49.  7-22  in  its  entirety  comes  from  Jeremiah,  this 
is  undoubtedly  the  most  satisfactory  explanation.  From 
the  facts  already  indicated  it  would  further  follow  that 
Obadiah  incorporated  the  original  prophecy  with  few 
alterations  while  Jeremiah  treated  it  with  greater  free¬ 
dom,  and,  perhaps,  that  Obadiah  was  familiar  not  only 
with  the  original  oracle,  but  also  with  the  utterance  of 
Jeremiah  dependent  on  the  same.  If  this  theory  is 


21  The  similarity  of  Jer.  49.  7-22  extends  only  to  Obad.  1-9.  It  surely 
would  seem  peculiar  that  Jeremiah,  with  the  whole  book  of  Obadiah 
before  him,  should  confine  himself  to  the  first  nine  verses,  when  the  rest 
contained  much  that  would  have  suited  his  purpose.  The  differences 
between  Obad.  16  and  Jer.  49.  12  are  so  great  that  in  this  case  inde¬ 
pendence  seems  not  improbable.  If  it  seems  necessary  to  assume 
dependence,  it  may  well  be  kept  in  mind  that  if  Jeremiah  uttered  his 
oracle  about  twenty  years  before  Obadiah's  appearance,  the  latter  may 
have  been  influenced  by  Jeremiah’s  words,  though  for  the  whole 
prophecy  dependence  of  Obadiah  on  Jeremiah  seems  excluded. 

436 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


correct,  the  earlier  prophecy  must,  on  the  whole,22  be 
identical  with  Obad.  1-9,  which  section  contains  no 
allusions  to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  in  586  b.  c. 
After  the  fall  of  the  city  a  prophet  appropriated  the 
older  utterance  and  expanded  it  by  adding  the  references 
now  found  in  the  succeeding  verses,  imitating  in  the  addi¬ 
tions  to  some  extent  the  language  of  the  earlier  oracle.23 
The  date  and  occasion  of  this  early  prophecy  cannot  be 
definitely  determined.  Ewald  supposed  it  to  have  been 
spoken  when  Elath  was  restored  to  the  Edomites,24  while 
others  place  it  in  the  days  of  Jehoram;25  but  if  a  rela¬ 
tively  early  preexilic  source  is  assumed  the  early  years  of 
Amaziah  seem  to  offer  a  more  suitable  date.26  Accord¬ 
ing  to  this  theory,  the  next  step  in  the  development  of  the 
book  of  Obadiah  was  the  use  of  the  preexilic  oracle  in  a 
bitter  denunciation  of  Edom,  soon  after  the  destruction 


M  Wellhausen  and  others  are  inclined  to  reject  8,  9  as  a  later  inter¬ 
polation,  but  there  seems  no  adequate  reason  for  rejecting  these  verses. 

21  A  somewhat  different  view  is  held  by  scholars  who  deny  Jer 
49.  7-22  to  the  prophet  Jeremiah.  Those  who  still  insist  that  Obadiah 
is  the  original  hold  that  the  entire  prophecy  found  a  place  in  Jeremiah 
in  the  late  postexilic  period.  However,  there  seems  insufficient  reason 
for  denying  the  whole  prophecy  to  Jeremiah,  and  a  good  case  may  be 
made  for  one  or  two  genuine  Jeremianic  oracles  against  Edom  (see 
vol.  I,  p.  270). 

24  2  Kings  16.  6;  margin  R.  V. 

26  2  Kings  8.  20-22;  2  Chron.  21.  8-10. 

26  See  F.  C.  Eiselen,  Minor  Prophets ,  comment  on  Obad.  1.  The 
writer  is  no  longer  satisfied  with  the  view  set  forth  in  his  commentary. 
It  seems  to  him  now  that,  on  the  whole,  the  view  at  least  hinted  at  in  the 
chapter  on  Jeremiah  (see  vol.  I,  pp.  269,  270)  offers  the  most  probable 
solution  of  the  problem;  One  or  two  prophecies  against  Edom  originated 
with  Jeremiah;  another  prophecy  against  the  same  enemy  was  uttered 
by  Obadiah  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  in  586  b.  c. — the  latter  may  or 
may  not  have  known  Jeremiah’s  oracles.  Subsequently,  in  later 
postexilic  times,  a  reader  or  copyist  revised  the  Jeremiah  passage  on  the 
basis  of  the  prophecy  of  Obadiah. 

437 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


of  Jerusalem  in  586  b.  c.  At  this  time  were  added  at 
least  verses  10-14.  The  origin  of  15-21  is  much  less 
certain.  Of  course  many  scholars  ascribe  the  verses  to 
the  author  of  10-14,  but  there  is  an  increasing  number  of 
writers  who  interpret  15-21  as  a  still  later  appendix. 
To  fix  the  date  of  this  appendix,  or  the  dates  of  the 
several  elements  embodied  in  the  appendix,  is  no  easy 
task.  The  pronounced  eschatological  tone  points  to  a 
relatively  late  date,  but  the  historical  references  and  allu¬ 
sions  are  so  obscure  that  they  are  of  little  assistance  in 
fixing  the  date  more  definitely.  It  is  very  doubtful, 
however,  that  even  the  appendix  ought  to  be  dated  as 
late  as  the  Maccabean  age,  as  is  done  by  Wellhausen, 
Marti,  Barton,  Haupt,  and  others.  The  resemblances 
with  Joel27  suggest  for  the  completion  of  the  book  of 
Obadiah28  a  date  not  far  from  400  b.  c.  In  the  words  of 
Selbie:  “The  expressions  in  the  closing  verses  are  best 
satisfied  by  a  date  such  as  Nowack  postulates  for  1-14 
(about  432  b.  c.),  or,  perhaps,  preferably,  later  still.”29 
Similarly  Bewer:  “If  the  date  of  Joel  is  correctly  placed 
between  400  and  350  b.  c.,  this  appendix  must  have  been 
added  some  time  before  or  soon  after  the  beginning  of 
the  fourth  century.”30 

Teaching  of  the  Book.  The  purpose  of  the  book  in 

27  Compare  Obad.  10  with  Joel  3.  19;  11  with  3.  3;  15  with  1.  15;  3.  4, 
7,  14;  1 7  with  2.  32;  3.  17.  In  some  of  these  cases  it  is  beyond  question 
that  Joel  is  the  borrower;  hence  Obadiah  in  its  final  form  must  be  earlier 
than  Joel.  For  the  date  of  Joel,  see  above,  p.  397. 

28  Since  the  book  contains  two  or  more  separate  sections,  it  must 
remain  undecided  whether  Obadiah  is  the  name  of  the  author  of  the 
earlier  utterance,  or  of  the  author  who  gave  the  book  its  present  form. 

29  Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible ,  article,  “Obadiah,  Book  of.” 

30  Obadiah,  p.  9.  For  a  description  of  conditions  after  586  b.  c.,  see 
above,  pp.  337-341,  and  for  conditions  in  the  fifth  century,  below, 
pp.  603-608. 


438 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


its  present  form  is  twofold:  (i)  To  announce  judgment 
upon  Edom,  and  (2),  by  the  announcement  of  the  speedy 
overthrow  of  this  hated  enemy  to  bring  comfort  and  hope 
to  the  cruelly  wronged  Jews.  In  setting  forth  these 
denunciations  and  promises  the  book,  directly  or  in¬ 
directly,  gives  expression  to  several  ideas  and  convictions 
that  are  prominent  in  all  the  prophetic  writings :  ( 1 ) 
Yahweh  has  a  special  interest  in  Israel;  temporarily  he 
may  permit  her  enemies  to  triumph,  but  in  the  end  he 
must  vindicate  himself  and  his  people.31  (2)  Obadiah 
shares  with  other  prophets  the  hope  of  the  establishment 
of  a  new  kingdom  of  Yahweh,  centering  in  Mount  Zion 
and  Jerusalem.32  (3)  Holiness  will  be  the  chief  char¬ 
acteristic  of  the  new  kingdom.33  (4)  There  is  no  direct 
reference  to  a  Messianic  king;  Yahweh  is  to  be  the  sole 
ruler.34  (5)  Obadiah  sees  no  hope  for  the  other  nations; 
there  is  nothing  but  disaster  and  doom  for  the  peoples 
outside  of  Israel.35 

5.  The  Book  of  Jonah 

Hero  of  the  Book.  The  events  recorded  in  the  book 
of  Jonah  center  around  Jonah,  the  son  of  Amittai.* 1  A 

31  Verses  10-14,  17-21. 

32  Verses  17,  21. 

33  Verse  17;  the  reference  seems  to  be  to  ceremonial  rather  than  moral 
holiness. 

34  “The  Kingdom  shall  be  Yahweh’s,”  verse  21.  Compare,  however, 
“saviours  shall  come  up  on  Mount  Zion  to  judge  the  Mount  of  Esau” 
(21).  In  a  sense  these  saviours  are  representatives  of  Yahweh  like  the 
Messianic  king  in  other  prophetic  books. 

36  Verses  16-18. 

1  Jonah  1.  1.  The  meaning  of  the  Hebrew  name  Yonah, — 

Septuagint,  Tww,  Idnas,  Vulgate,  Jonas — is  not  beyond  doubt; 
it  may  be  connected  with  a  noun  meaning  “dove”  or  a  verb  meaning 
“oppress.” 


439 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


prophet  bearing  the  same  name  is  mentioned  in  2  Kings 
14.  25,  and  since  the  two  names  are  found  nowhere  else 
in  the  Old  Testament  it  is  exceedingly  probable  that  the 
Jonah  of  2  Kings  14.  25  is  identical  with  the  hero  of  this 
little  book.  Of  the  personal  life  of  Jonah  nothing  is 
known  except  what  may  be  learned  from  the  passage  in 
Kings  and  the  book  bearing  his  name.2  According  to 
Kings,  Jonah  prophesied  in  the  northern  kingdom  prior 
to  the  conquests  of  Jeroboam  II,  which  makes  him  a 
predecessor  of  Amos  and  Hosea.  He  is  said  to  have 
come  from  Gath-hepher,3  a  village  on  the  border  of 
Zebulon  and  Naphtali,  near  Japhia  and  Rimmon,4  and 
commonly  identified  with  a  modern  village  bearing  the 
name  el-M eshhed .5 

Contents  and  Outline.  The  book  narrates  a  series 
of  incidents  connected  with  Jonah’s  commission  to  preach 
in  Nineveh :  Jonah  receives  the  commission  to  deliver  a 
message  of  judgment  against  Nineveh,  but  seeks  to  escape 
the  responsibility  by  fleeing  in  the  opposite  direction;  he 
is  punished  by  being  thrown  overboard,  but  is  swallowed 
by  a  big  fish  providentially  provided.  In  the  belly  of  the 
fish  he  offers  a  prayer,  whereupon  he  is  cast  upon  the 

2  On  the  historical  value  of  the  book  see  below,  pp,  444-455. 
Some  modem  commentators,  following  the  suggestion  of  Hitzig,  have 
ascribed  to  Jonah  the  oracle  in  Isa.  15.  1  to  16.  12,  which  is  said  to  have 
been  spoken  in  time  past ,  but  this  is  mere  assumption  and  has  little  in 
its  favor  (see  vol.  I,  p.  147). 

3  2  Kings  14.  25. 

4  Josh.  19.  12,  13. 

6  The  village  possesses  one  of  the  numerous  tombs  of  Jonah,  and  the 
natives,  both  Jewish  and  Christian,  regard  it  as  the  home  of  the  prophet. 
Their  belief  finds  support  in  ancient  Jewish  and  Christian  tradition. 
Jerome,  for  instance,  states  that  the  home  and  tomb  of  Jonah  were 
shown  two  miles  from  Sepphoris  on  the  road  to  Tiberias.  Sepphoris  is 
identified  with  the  modem  Seffurieh ,  a  village  about  two  and  a  half  miles 
from  el-Meshhed. 


440 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


shore  and  journeys  to  Nineveh,  where  he  delivers  a  mes¬ 
sage  of  doom.  When  the  doom  is  averted,  through  the 
sincere  repentance  of  the  Ninevites,  the  prophet  utters  a 
bitter  complaint  which  draws  a  severe  reprimand  from 
Yahweh. 

I.  Jonah's  Commission,  Disobedience,  and  Punishment  (i.  1-16). 

1.  Jonah’s  commission  and  disobedience  (i.  1-3). 

2.  Discovery  of  Jonah’s  guilt  (1.  4-10). 

3.  Jonah’s  punishment  (1.  11-16). 

II.  Jonah’s  Wonderful  Deliverance  (i.  17  to  2.  10). 

1.  Jonah’s  preservation  and  deliverance  (1.  17;  2.  10). 

2.  Jonah’s  prayer  (2.  1-9). 

III.  Jonah’s  Preaching  and  Nineveh’s  Repentance  (3.  1-10). 

1.  Jonah’s  second  commission  and  preaching  (3.  1-4). 

2.  Repentance  of  the  Ninevites  (3.  5-9). 

3.  Withholding  of  the  judgment  (3.  10). 

IV.  Jonah’s  Complaint  and  Rebuke  (4.  1-11). 

1.  Jonah’s  displeasure,  and  prayer  for  immediate  death  (4.  1-3). 

2.  Yahweh’s  remonstrance  (4.  4). 

3.  Rebuke  of  Jonah’s  narrowness,  and  justification  of  the  divine 

mercy  (4.  5-n)« 

Interpretation  of  the  Book.  The  book  of  Jonah  is  un¬ 
like  any  other  prophetic  book  in  the  Old  Testament;6 
indeed,  in  many  respects  it  is  unlike  any  other  biblical 
book.  It  is  unquestionably,  as  a  Jewish  tradition  sug¬ 
gests,  a  book  by  itself.  Consequently,  it  cannot  be 

6  All  the  other  prophetic  books  record  chiefly  prophetic  utterances , 
although  sometimes  embodying  brief  narratives  of  events;  this  book 
narrates  a  prophet’s  work  and  experiences ,  giving  little  space  to  his 
utterances.  The  book  of  Daniel  does  not  come  into  consideration,  since 
it  is  an  apocalyptic  and  not  a  prophetic  book.  (F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Psalms 
and  Other  Sacred  Writings ,  Chapter  XI). 

441 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


thought  strange  that  the  most  widely  diverging  views 
have  been  held  concerning  its  significance  and  inter¬ 
pretation. 

For  the  sake  of  convenience  the  various  interpretations 
may  be  discussed  under  two  heads :  ( i )  The  historical 
interpretation,  which  views  the  book  as  a  true  history 
of  actual  occurrences;  (2)  the  didactic  interpretations,7 
which  hold  that  the  book  was  written  for  a  didactic 
purpose,  the  historical  elements — if,  indeed,  there  be 
any — being  purely  incidental.8  Among  scholars  of  a  gen¬ 
eration  or  two  ago  Pusey  and  Keil  defended  the  historical 
interpretation  so  ably  that  more  recent  writers  have 
added  little  or  nothing  to  their  arguments.  Keil  says 
concerning  the  book:  “Its  contents  are  neither  pure  fic¬ 
tion,  allegory,  nor  myth;  nor  yet  a  prophetic  legend, 
wrought  up  poetically  with  a  moral  and  didactic  aim, 
embellished  into  a  miraculous  story,  and  mingled  with 
mythical  elements;  but  with  all  its  miracles  it  is  to  be 
taken  as  a  true  history  of  deep  prophetico-symbolic  and 

7  There  are  several  of  these,  differing  somewhat  in  details. 

8  The  use  of  parables  by  Jesus  should  make  Bible  students  cautious 
about  denying  on  a  priori  grounds  the  presence  in  the  Old  Testament 
of  a  didactic  book  that  is  not  history.  Moreover,  the  Old  Testament  is 
rich  in  symbolism,  especially  when  speaking  of  the  exile.  Thus,  the 
vision  of  the  dry  bones,  in  Ezek.  37.  1-14,  is  a  symbolical  representation 
of  the  restoration  from  exile.  A  remarkably  close  parallel  to  the  picture 
of  Jonah  in  the  fish’s  belly  and  of  his  deliverance  is  found  in  Jer.  51.  34, 
“Nebuchadrezzar  the  king  of  Babylon  hath  devoured  me,  he  hath 
crushed  me,  he  hath  made  me  an  empty  vessel,  he  hath ,  like  a  monster , 
swallowed  me  up ,  he  hath  filled  his  maw  with  my  delicacies ;  he  hath  cast 
me  out.”  And  again,  in  verse  44,  “And  I  will  execute  judgment  upon 
Bel  in  Babylon,  and  I  will  bring  forth  out  of  his  mouth  that  which  he  hath 
swallowed .”  If  the  book  of  Jonah  is  interpreted  as  a  symbolical  repre¬ 
sentation  of  the  experiences  of  Israel  in  exile  and  in  connection  with  the 
restoration,  it  may  well  be  regarded  as  an  expansion  of  this  picturesque 
portrayal  by  Jeremiah  (See  further,  below,  pp.  458, 459). 

442 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


typical  significance.’’9  In  support  of  this  assertion  he 
advances  the  following  reasons:  i.  Traditions  handed 
down  both  among  Jews  and  Christians  agree  in  interpret¬ 
ing  the  book  historically.  2.  The  many  historical  and 
geographical  statements  in  the  book  are  of  a  genuine 
historical  character.10  3.  The  fundamental  thought  of 
the  book,  that  Yahweh  would  show  mercy  even  to  the 
heathen  if  they  repented,* 11  excludes  everything  fictitious. 
4.  The  psychologically  truthful  delineation  of  the  per¬ 
sonality  of  the  prophet,  of  the  mariners,  and  of  the 
Ninevites  favors  an  historical  interpretation.  5.  The 
position  of  the  book  among  the  prophetical  writings 
points  in  the  same  direction.12  6.  The  historical  char¬ 
acter  of  the  book  is  raised  above  all  doubts  by  the  utter¬ 
ances  of  the  Lord  in  Matt.  12.  39!!. ;  16.  4;  Luke  11.  29- 
32,  which  at  the  same  time  throw  light  upon  the  pro- 
phetico-typical  character  of  the  prophetic  mission.  7. 
The  origin,  contents,  and  tendency  of  the  book  become  in¬ 
comprehensible  if  we  reject  /the  historical  character  of 
the  narrative.  8.  The  objections  raised  by  the  opponents 
of  the  historical  view  rest  partly  on  an  unjustifiable  denial 
of  the  miraculous,  partly  on  misunderstandings,  un¬ 
founded  assumptions,  and  untenable  assertions. 

9  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  I,  pp.  395ft.;  see  also  E.  B.  Pusey, 
Minor  Prophets ,  I,  pp.  371ft. 

10  For  example,  Keil  claims  that  the  mission  of  Jonah  is  in  perfect 
keeping  with  the  historical  relations  of  his  time;  the  description  of  the 
greatness  of  Nineveh  (3.  3)  is  in  harmony  with  the  statements  of  the 
classical  writers;  its  deep  moral  corruption  is  testified  to  by  Nah.  3.  1; 
Zeph.  2.  13ft.;  and  the  mourning  of  man  and  beast  (3.  5-8)  is  confirmed 
as  an  Asiatic  custom  by  Herodotus  (IX,  24). 

11  Jonah  3.  10;  4.  10. 

12  “Had  the  collector  of  the  canon  not  believed  in  the  historical  truth 
of  this  fact,  had  be  beheld  only  religious  truth  in  the  garb  of  an  allegory 
or  fable  in  this  book,  why  did  he  not  place  it  among  the  Hagiographa?” 

443 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


Do  these  arguments  prove  what  is  claimed  for  them? 
i.  That  the  post-Old  Testament  Jewish  writings13  con¬ 
sidered  the  narrative  of  Jonah  literal  history  may  readily 
be  admitted,  as  also  the  additional  fact  that  the  historical 
interpretation  was  commonly  accepted  by  the  early 
church  fathers.  This,  however,  is  far  from  proving  the 
historical  character  of  the  book;  for  Jewish  tradition  has 
again  and  again  been  found  to  be  unreliable,  and  it  is 
universally  admitted  that  in  no  case  can  its  testimony  be 
accepted  as  final.14  It  can,  at  the  most,  serve  as  a  start¬ 
ing  point  for  investigation,  and  must  be  surrendered  in 
the  presence  of  legitimate  evidence  to  the  contrary.  2. 
Are  the  claims  made  under  the  second  head  more  con¬ 
vincing?  Of  course  a  Hebrew  prophet  might  have 
visited  Nineveh  about  770  b.  c.,  but  the  possibility  of  such 
a  visit  by  no  means  proves  that  such  visit  was  actually 
made,  or  that  all  the  events  recorded  in  the  book  are 
historical.  Furthermore,  it  is  not  quite  in  harmony  with 
the  facts  to  say  that  the  size  of  Nineveh  as  given  in  3.  3 
is  in  accordance  with  the  statements  of  classical  authors ; 
nor  does  it  meet  the  requirements  of  modern  research.15 
Similarly,  the  fact  that  the  moral  condition  of  Nineveh 
is  faithfully  depicted,  or  that  the  author  is  acquainted 
with  ancient  Asiatic  customs,  is  far  from  demonstrating 

13  For  instance,  Tobit,  Third  Maccabees,  Josephus,  Philo,  and  the 
Talmud. 

14  See  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the  Pentateuch ,  pp.  86-88.  Early 
Christian  traditions  regarding  Old  Testament  subjects  are  of  little  or 
no  independent  value,  since  most  of  them  were  taken  over  bodily  from 
the  Jews,  without  inquiry  into  their  accuracy  or  reliability. 

16  Koenig,  an  exceedingly  cautious  scholar,  says  that  “the  diameter 
of  even  the  fourfold  city  (Gen.  10.  11)  was  not  equal  to  a  three  days’ 
journey;”  and  he  quotes  Friedrich  Delitzsch  as  saying:  “The  length  of 
the  road  from  Kouyunjik  to  Nimroud  is  only  some  twenty  English 
miles”  (Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible ,  article  “Jonah”). 

444 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


that  the  entire  book  is  intended  to  be  understood  as  his¬ 
torical  narrative.16  3.  It  is  difficult  to  understand  why 
the  fundamental  idea  of  the  book  excludes  everything 
fictitious,  even  in  the  external  literary  form.  The  use  of 
parables  by  Jesus  as  a  means  of  instruction  shows  that 
the  sublimest  religious  truths  may  be  taught  in  the  liter¬ 
ary  garb  of  fiction.  4.  It  is  universally  recognized  that 
the  plays  of  Shakespeare  contain  “psychologically  truth¬ 
ful”  delineations  of  human  nature.  Does  it  follow  that 
these  plays  are  historically  accurate  in  every  detail?  5. 
With  reference  to  the  fifth  point  C.  H.  H.  Wright,  an 
exceedingly  cautious  and  conservative  scholar,  says,  “If 
the  book  had  been  regarded  as  an  historical  narrative 
when  the  Hebrew  canon  was  arranged,  it  would  scarcely 
have  been  inserted  among  the  prophetical  books,  or  have 
been  placed  among  them  in  the  order  in  which  it  now 
stands.”17 

6.  In  the  thought  of  many  devout  Christians  the  refer¬ 
ences  of  Jesus  appear  to  settle  the  question  conclusively 
in  favor  of  the  historical  interpretation.  On  the  other 
hand,  there  are  many  scholars  equally  devout  who  believe 
that  the  references  of  Jesus  present  no  obstacle  to  the 
didactic  interpretation.  A  close  study  of  the  words  of 
Jesus  reveals  the  following  facts:  (1)  There  is  in  the 
words  of  Jesus18  not  the  slightest  indication,  direct  or 
indirect,  that  he  gave  or  intended  to  give  any  decision 
on  the  point  under  consideration.  (2)  The  question  can¬ 
not  be  settled  by  showing  that  the  New  Testament  state- 

16  Modem  novels  frequently  contain  accurate  descriptions  of  moral 
conditions  prevailing  at  certain  periods;  yet  no  one  would  claim  that 
therefore  they  must  be  accepted  in  their  entirety  as  historical. 

17  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament ,  p.  208. 

18  Of  the  verses  mentioned  Matt.  12.  40  is  thought  by  many  scholars 
not  to  be  an  original  part  of  Jesus’  utterance. 

445 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


ments  may  be  interpreted  as  implying  an  historical  inter¬ 
pretation;  what  must  be  established  is  the  fact  that  the 
words  of  Jesus  “raise  above  all  doubt  the  historical  char¬ 
acter  of  the  book.”19  (3)  Jesus  refers  to  Jonah  only 
by  way  of  illustration ;  which  makes  it  of  no  special  con¬ 
sequence  whether  Jonah  belongs  to  the  realms  of  fiction 
or  of  fact.20  We  may,  then,  conclude  that  the  utterances 
of  Jesus  contain  no  specific  statement  that  would  in  any 
way  throw  light  on  the  question  under  discussion,21  and 

19  Pusey  assumes  a  great  deal  when  he  says:  “Our  Lord  says,  ‘Jonah 
was  three  days  and  three  nights  in  the  whale’s  belly,’  and  no  one  who 
really  believes  him  dare  think  that  he  was  not.”  Much  more  just  is  the 
conclusion  of  C.  H.  H.  Wright:  “The  New  Testament  references  decide 
nothing  except  that  the  book  is  in  some  way  or  other  a  book  of  prophecy. 
Consequently,  the  question  whether  the  book  is  also  historical  must 
be  decided  from  internal  evidence  alone”  ( Introduction  to  the  Old 
Testament ,  p.  210).  Even  von  Orelli  admits:  “It  is  not,  indeed,  proved 
with  conclusive  necessity  that,  if  the  resurrection  of  Jesus  was  a  physical 
fact,  Jonah’s  abode  in  the  belly  of  the  fish  must  also  be  just  as  histor¬ 
ical”  ( The  Twelve  Minor  Prophets ,  p.  172). 

20  Surely,  the  point  to  be  emphasized  loses  none  of  its  validity  or 
power  if  it  is  illustrated  from  allegory,  parable,  or  poetry  instead  of  from 
history.  In  the  words  of  G.  A.  Smith,  “Suppose  we  tell  slothful  people 
that  theirs  will  be  the  fate  of  the  man  who  buried  his  talent,  is  this 
to  commit  us  to  the  belief  that  the  personages  of  Christ’s  parables 
actually  existed?  Or  take  the  homiletic  use  of  Shakespeare’s  dramas — 
‘as  Macbeth  did,’  or  ‘as  Hamlet  said.’  Does  it  commit  us  to  the 
historical  reality  of  Macbeth  or  Hamlet?  Any  preacher  among  us 
would  resent  being  bound  by  such  an  inference.  And  if  we  resent  this 
for  ourselves,  how  chary  we  should  be  about  seeking  to  bind  our  Lord  by 
it!”  ( Minor  Prophets,  II,  pp.  508,  509). 

21  Note  the  words  of  Dean  Farrar:  “If  it  could  be  shown  that  Jesus 
intended  by  these  words  to  stamp  the  story  as  literally  true,  every 
Christian  would  at  once,  and  as  a  matter  of  course,  accept  it.  But  this 
is  an  assumption,  and  it  is  a  bad  form  of  uncharitableness  to  adopt  the 
tone  of  those  commentators  who  charge  their  opponents  with  setting 
aside  the  authority  of  Christ.  Seeing  that  our  Lord  so  largely  adopted 
the  method  of  moral  allegory  in  his  own  parabolic  teaching — seeing  that 
it  was  part  of  his  habit  to  embody  truth  in  tales  which  were  not  literal 
facts,  but  were  only  told  to  fix  deep  spiritual  lessons  in  the  minds  of 

446 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


that  the  significance  of  his  teaching  remains  the  same 
whether  the  book  is  interpreted  as  history,  or  parable,  or 
allegory.22  On  the  other  hand,  while  there  is  nothing  in 
the  words  of  Jesus  to  prove  the  truth  of  the  historical 
view,  there  is  at  least  one  consideration  that  seems  to 
favor  the  non-hist orical  interpretation  of  the  book.  The 
defenders  of  the  historical  view  are  compelled  to  assume 
that  the  repentance  and  conversion  of  the  Ninevites  were 
without  permanent  results.  Over  against  this  it  should 
be  noted  that  the  words  of  Jesus  imply  that  the  repent¬ 
ance  and  conversion  of  the  Ninevites  were  permanent; 
the  results  were  to  be  manifested  in  the  Day  of  Judg¬ 
ment,  to  the  confounding  of  those  listening  to  one  greater 
than  Jonah.  Indeed,  the  validity  of  Jesus'  argument  is 
closely  bound  up  with  this  permanence;  it  is  made  of 
no  effect  by  the  admission  that  the  Ninevites  soon  re¬ 
lapsed  into  wickedness  and  idolatry.  Moreover,  the  book 
itself  represents  the  conversion  as  real  and  permanent; 
else  how  could  it  have  been  acceptable  to  Yahweh,  and 
have  caused  him  to  withhold  judgment?  If,  now,  the 
narrative  is  to  be  taken  as  historical,  the  silence  of  the 
entire  Old  Testament  regarding  this  remarkable  con¬ 
version  and  of  the  inscriptions  regarding  the  incident 
related  in  the  book  create  a  serious  historical  difficulty.23 
If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  book  is  an  allegory  or  a  parable 


the  hearers — nothing  is  more  possible  than  that  he  should  have  pointed 
to  the  deep  symbolism  of  an  Old-Testament  parable  without  at  all 
intending  to  imply  that  the  facts  actually  happened.”  ( Minor  Prophets , 
pp.  234,  235). 

22  See  also  the  discussion  of  the  general  significance  of  the  references 
of  Jesus  to  Old  Testament  books,  in  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the 
Pentateuch ,  pp.  77-85. 

23  See  further,  below,  pp.  449,  450.  The  inscriptions  furnish  a  rather 
complete  picture  of  life  in  Assyria  during  the  eighth  century  B.  C. 

447 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


the  difficulty  vanishes,  for  these  types  of  literature  retain 
their  value  even  though  they  are  not  based  upon  actual 
historical  events.  To  say  the  least,  therefore,  the  New 
Testament  references  to  the  book  of  Jonah  fail  to  estab¬ 
lish  the  historical  character  of  the  narrative.  The  dis¬ 
cussion  in  the  succeeding  pages  will  show  whether  the 
didactic  interpretation  of  the  book,  really  makes  the 
origin,  contents,  and  tendency  of  the  book  incompre¬ 
hensible;24  it  will  also  bring  out  the  justice  or  injustice 
of  the  assertion  that  the  objections  to  the  historical  inter¬ 
pretation  are  based  upon  unwarranted  assumptions  and 
an  unjustifiable  denial  of  the  supernatural.25 

One  argument  in  favor  of  the  historical  interpretation 
has  been  expressed  by  a  more  recent  writer  in  these 
words :  “Of  all  parables  this  was  the  most  impossible  to 
any  Jewish  writer.  For  what  are  the  contents  of  the 
book?  An  Israelitish  prophet,  with  regard  to  whom 
we  have  the  distinct  assurance  that  he  prophesied  to  the 
Ten  Tribes,  and  that  he  uttered  predictions  that  were 
verified.  Now,  here  is  a  book  given  to  us  by  the  ministry 
of  that  Israelitish  prophet  that  has  not  a  single  particle 
of  Israelitish  ministry  in  it  from  beginning  to  end.  This 
man  is  confined  to  whom?  To  a  Gentile  people.  It  has 
for  its  sphere  what?  Not  any  city  of  Israel,  but  the  city 
of  Nineveh,  the  capital  of  the  great  opponent  of  the  Ten 
Tribes  of  Israel.  And  the  whole  scene  is  confined  to 
his  ministry  in  regard  to  that  Gentile  people,  and  the 
Gentile  people  are  the  object  of  divine  commiseration, 
and  Jonah  himself  is  the  object  of  divine  complaint,  if 
not  of  condemnation.  Now,  I  say,  it  was  another26  im- 

24  As  claimed  in  argument  7  above. 

26  As  claimed  in  argument  8. 

36  Probably  a  misprint  for  “an  utter.” 

448 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


possibility  that  any  Jewish  mind  would  have  conceived 
fiction  after  that  pattern.  It  would  have  been  to  the  glori¬ 
fication  of  Israel  and  not  to  the  glorification  of  Nineveh. 
It  would  have  been  to  the  setting  forth  of  God’s  fierce 
anger  against  the  Gentile  people,  and  not  his  commisera¬ 
tion  toward  the  destroyer  of  the  people  of  God.”27 

The  present  writer  does  not  profess  to  know  what  a 
Jewish  mind  could  or  would  have  conceived;  and  yet  for 
the  sake  of  argument  it  may  be  admitted  that  no  ordinary 
“Jewish  mind  would  have  conceived  fiction  after  that 
pattern.”  Why?  Because  the  ordinary  Jewish  mind 
failed  to  appreciate  the  lofty  conception  of  the  character 
of  Yahweh  reflected  in  the  book  of  Jonah.  But,  since 
we  find  in  Hebrew  history  spirits  like  Moses,  Amos, 
Hosea,  Isaiah,  and  Jeremiah,  who  towered  far  above 
their  contemporaries  in  spiritual  insight  and  appreciation, 
is  it,  indeed,  impossible  to  believe  that  an  exceptional 
Jewish  mind,  inspired  by  a  more  adequate  conception  of 
Yahweh,  may  have  protested  against  the  narrow  exclu¬ 
siveness  of  his  contemporaries  ?  Such  a  protest,  as  may 
be  seen  from  the  New  Testament  parables,  may  be  pre¬ 
sented  through  parable  at  least  as  effectively  as  through 
historical  narrative. 

Evidently,  the  arguments  commonly  depended  upon  to 
establish  the  truth  of  the  historical  view  fail  to  prove 
the  case.  What,  then,  are  the  arguments  urged  against 
the  historical,  in  favor  of  the  didactic,  interpretation: 

i.  If  the  conversion  of  the  Ninevites  took  place  on  the 
scale  suggested  in  the  book,28  it  is  one  of  the  most  marvel¬ 
ous  events  in  human  history,  certainly  in  human  history 
as  it  affected  the  Hebrew  people.  Such  an  event  would 

87  John  Urqnhart,  in  Bible  Student  and  Teacher ,  1905,  p.  175. 

88  Jonah  3.  5- 10. 


449 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


have  furnished  Hebrew  prophets  with  abundant  material 
to  emphasize  the  earnest  appeals  to  repentance  addressed 
to  their  own  people  and  the  frequent  denunciations 
directed  against  Nineveh.  “On  what  principle,”  inquires 
a  recent  writer,  “is  the  silence  about  such  a  remarkable 
fact  of  the  book  of  Kings,  and  the  silence  of  such  proph¬ 
ets  as  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Nahum,  Zephaniah  to  be  ac¬ 
counted  for?” 

2.  The  statement  of  Layard  has  often  been  quoted  in 
favor  of  the  historical  view :  “I  have  known  a  Christian 
priest  to  frighten  a  whole  Mussulman  town  to  tents  and 
repentance,  by  publicly  proclaiming  that  he  had  received 
a  divine  commission  to  announce  a  coming  earthquake 
and  plague.”29  But  neither  the  book  itself  nor  the  use 
of  the  incident  by  Jesus  permits  the  placing  of  the  con¬ 
version  of  the  Ninevites  on  a  level  with  this  temporary, 
superficial,  and  superstitious  turning  to  God.  If,  however, 
the  conversion  was  as  far-reaching  as  the  narrative  im¬ 
plies,  the  wholesale  conversion  of  a  world  city  like 
Nineveh  from  a  well-established,  magnificent,  and  im¬ 
pressive  native  religion  to  the  worship  of  Yahweh,  as 
the  result  of  the  preaching  of  a  single  individual,  is  with¬ 
out  analogy  in  the  religious  history  of  the  world. 

3.  The  Old  Testament  everywhere  represents  the 
Ninevites  as  idolaters,  nowhere  suggesting  that  at  any 
time,  temporarily  or  permanently,  they  were  worshipers 
of  Israel’s  God. 

4.  The  history  of  Assyria  and  Nineveh  during  the 
eighth  century  b.  c.,  at  least  in  its  broad  outlines,  is  well 
known  from  the  inscriptions;  yet  nowhere  is  there  even 
the  slightest  hint  of  a  religious  revolution  such  as  is  de- 


29  Nineveh  and  Babylon ,  p.  632. 

450 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


scribed  in  the  book  of  Jonah.  The  kings  of  Assyria 
during  the  period  of  Jonah  are  fairly  well  known,  and 
it  is  not  easy  to  imagine  a  monarch  of  the  type  depicted  in 
the  Assyrian  inscriptions  behaving  as  the  king  of  Nineveh 
is  said  to  have  done. 

5.  From  the  time  of  Ashur-nasir-pal  to  Sennacherib, 
that  is,  from  about  880  to  705  b.  c. — the  date  of  Jonah 
being  about  770  b.  c. — Calah,  not  Nineveh,  was  the 
capital  of  Assyria. 

6.  Modern  archaeological  research  has  thrown  doubt 
on  the  alleged  size  of  the  city  and  the  suggested  number 
of  its  inhabitants  in  the  eighth  century  b.  c.  30 

7.  The  very  structure  of  the  narrative  suggests  its 
didactic  purpose.  Had  the  primary  object  been  history, 
the  author’s  silence  concerning  various  details  would  be 
peculiar.  In  the  words  of  Kleinert:  “He  says  nothing 
of  the  sins  of  which  Nineveh  was  guilty,  nor  of  the 
journey  of  the  prophet  to  Nineveh,  nor  does  he  mention 
the  place  where  he  was  cast  out  upon  the  land,  nor  the 
name  of  the  Assyrian  king.  In  any  case,  if  the  narrative 
were  intended  to  be  historical,  it  would  be  incomplete  by 
the  frequent  fact  that  the  circumstances  which  are  neces¬ 
sary  for  the  connection  of  events  are  mentioned  later 
than  they  happened,  and  only  where  attention  has  to  he 
directed  to  them  as  having  already  happened.”31  Here 
should  be  noted  also  the  abrupt  close  of  the  book.  The 
author,  having  pointed  out,  so  to  speak,  the  moral  of  the 
story,  has  no  occasion  to  pursue  the  subject  further. 
Von  Baudissin,  moreover,  calls  attention  to  the  sym¬ 
metrical  structure  of  the  book  as  indicating  that  the 
author’s  primary  concern  was  not  with  the  narration  of 

30  See  also  above,  p.  444. 

31  Quoted  from  G.  A.  Smith,  Minor  Prophets ,  II,  p.  499. 

451 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


history  but  with  the  artistic  and  forceful  arrangement  of 
certain  material  for  didactic  purposes.32 

8.  Another  objection  has  been  expressed  in  these 
words :  “A  narrative  in  which  a  man  is  represented  as 
composing  a  poetical  prayer,  surrounded  with  water,  his 
head  bound  with  seaweed,  and  drifting  with  marine  cur¬ 
rents,  while  inside  a  monster  of  the  sea,  was  surely  never 
intended  by  its  author  to  be  understood  as  literal  his¬ 
tory.”33 

9.  Thus  far  no  reference  has  been  made  to  the  miracu¬ 
lous  element  in  the  book;  the  objections  noted  are  prin¬ 
cipally  historical ;  and,  though  to  some  students  they  may 
appear  more  weighty  than  to  others,  no  interpretation 
which  fails  to  take  them  into  consideration  can  be  re¬ 
garded  as  adequate.  Turning  now  to  the  objection  said 
to  be  based  upon  the  miraculous  element — it  has  fre¬ 
quently  been  charged  that  disbelief  in  miracles  or  the 
supernatural  is  the  chief,  if  not  the  only,  ground  for 
denying  the  historical  character  of  the  book.34  “But  for 
them,”  says  Perowne,  “it  may  well  be  doubted  whether 
any  one  would  ever  have  taken  the  book  of  Jonah  to  be 
anything  but  history.”35  This  sweeping  accusation  is  un¬ 
warranted,  for  there  are  many  commentators  who  enter¬ 
tain  no  doubts  regarding  the  reality  of  the  supernatural, 
or  the  possibility  of  miracles,  who  nevertheless  doubt  the 


32  Die  Buecher  des  Alien  Testaments ,  p.  595.  As  illustration  he 
mentions  the  similarity  in  the  opening  words  of  the  two  main  divisions 
of  the  book  (1.  1,  2;  3.  1,  2);  the  words  of  the  ship  captain  and  of  the 
king  of  Nineveh  (1.  6;  3.  9) ;  twice  Jonah  desires  death  in  almost  identical 
words  (4.  3,  8);  twice  he  is  reproved  by  Yahweh  in  the  same  language 
(4.  4,  9);  etc. 

33  George  T.  Ladd,  What  is  the  Bible?,  p.  84. 

34  See  above,  p.  443. 

35  Obadiah  and  Jonah,  p.  48. 


452 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


historicity  of  the  book  of  Jonah.36  Moreover,  while  the 
defenders  of  the  historical  view  center  the  question  of 
the  supernatural  and  miraculous  around  the  ability  of  a 
fish  to  swallow  a  man,37  the  swallowing  of  Jonah  is  only 
one  comparatively  unimportant  incident  in  the  narrative. 
Indeed,  the  situation  would  not  be  altered  by  the  admis¬ 
sion,  which  may  readily  be  made,  that  any  one  of  several 
kinds  of  fish  is  capable  of  swallowing  a  human  being. 
It  is  not  the  impossibility  of  miracles,  or  the  presence  of 
any  one  miracle — not  even  one  of  those  much  more  strik¬ 
ing  than  the  swallowing  of  Jonah — that  is  urged  against 
the  historical  interpretation,  but  the  long  succession,  in 
such  small  compass,  of  a  startling  number  of  miracles. 
There  is  a  miracle  at  every  step:  The  disobedient  prophet 
is  pursued  by  a  miraculously  wrought  tempest,  the  lot 
is  miraculously  directed  to  Jonah,  the  prophet  is  cast 
overboard  and  immediately  the  storm  ceases.  To  pre¬ 
serve  the  life  of  the  prophet  a  great  fish  appears,  with¬ 
out  injury  Jonah  passes  into  its  belly,  where  he  is  mi¬ 
raculously  kept  alive  for  three  days  and  three  nights, 
when,  as  Luther  remarked,  “in  three  hours  he  might  have 
been  digested  and  changed  into  the  nature,  flesh,  and  blood 
of  the  monster.”  In  the  fish’s  belly  his  mind  remains 
clear  enough  to  compose  a  song  of  thanksgiving,  then 
at  the  divine  command  he  is  cast  out  upon  the  dry  land. 
Greatest  wonder  of  all,  at  the  preaching  of  Jonah  the 

36  Says  R.  W.  Dale:  “I  receive  without  a  shadow  of  doubt  many 
miraculous  stories  of  actual  facts,  but  this  book,  on  the  whole,  looks 
to  me  unlike  a  story  of  actual  facts"  ( Expositor ,  Fourth  Series,  VI,  p.  3). 

37  Urquhart,  after  proving  what  has  been  proved  many  times  before, 
that  a  certain  kind  of  whale  can  easily  swallow  a  man,  exclaims  in 
triumph:  “And  who  will  tell  me  now  that  the  whale  is  not  able  to 
swallow  a  prophet;  that  there  isn’t  a  whale  in  all  the  seas  able  to  swallow 
Jonah?  It  could  have  swallowed  six  Jonahs  and  given  them  up  again.” 

453 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


whole  wicked  city  of  Nineveh  repents  and  turns  to  Yah- 
weh.  A  “gourd”  is  made  to  spring  up  in  one  night,  and 
in  one  night  it  is  caused  to  wither,  and  finally,  Yahweh 
causes  an  east  wind  to  blow.  Here  are  twelve  miracles 
in  a  book  of  forty-eight  verses.  Is  there  anything  like 
it  anywhere  else  in  sacred  writ?38 

The  difficulties  arising  from  the  miraculous  element  in 
the  book  may  be  summarized  thus :  ( i )  The  miraculous 
character  of  the  book  from  beginning  to  end  is  unique  in 
the  literature  of  the  Bible;  (2)  the  book  presents  no  crisis 
demanding  this  extraordinary  display  of  divine  power; 
(3)  in  so  far  as  we  know  the  processes  of  divine  mani¬ 
festation,  the  miracles  of  the  book  of  Jonah  are  without 
parallel.39 

That  these  nine  arguments  against  the  historical  inter¬ 
pretation  amount  to  mathematical  demonstration  is  not 
and  need  not  be  claimed;  and,  no  doubt,  their  exact 
weight  will  be  variously  estimated  by  different  readers, 
but  that  some  possess  considerable  force  cannot  be  denied. 
At  any  rate,  the  most  careful  students  of  the  book  are 
almost  universally  agreed  that  its  primary  purpose  is 
not  historical  but  didactic.  With  some  this  is  a  convic¬ 
tion  based  upon  a  fair  evaluation  of  the  facts  to  which 
attention  has  been  called;  with  others  it  is  an  equally  in¬ 
escapable  impression  made  by  the  general  contents,  spirit, 


38  To  say  that  the  statements  in  the  book  put  the  subject  beyond  doubt 
is  to  beg  the  question,  since  it  must  first  of  all  be  established  that  the 
book  is  intended  to  record  history. 

39  The  defenders  of  the  historical  view  seem  to  be  conscious  of  this 
peculiarity  for,  strange  to  say,  almost  without  exception  they  seek  to 
minimize  the  miraculous  element  and  to  explain  the  events,  as  much 
as  possible,  on  the  basis  of  natural  causes.  In  this  attempt  some  have 
not  hesitated  to  force  the  text  into  saying  things  far  removed  from  the 
clear  meaning  of  the  words. 


454 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


and  tone  of  the  book.  “If  you  ask  me/’  says  R.  W. 
Dale,  “why  I  have  come  to  this  conclusion,  I  should  an¬ 
swer:  Very  much  in  the  same  way  in  which  you  have 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  Pilgrim’s  Progress  is  a  work 
of  the  imagination.  When  we  know  what  real  life  is, 
Bunyan’s  story  does  not  look  to  us  like  a  story  of  real 
life.  And  so  quite  apart  from  the  story  of  the  great  fish 
which  swallowed  Jonah,  and  which  after  three  days  dis¬ 
charged  him  alive  on  the  dry  land,  this  book  does  not 
look  to  me  like  a  plain  story  of  events  which  really 
happened.”40 

Teaching  of  the  Book.  Granting  that  the  book  is 
primarily  didactic,  what  is  its  fundamental  teaching?  To 
this  question  various  answers  have  been  given,  of  which 
the  following  are  the  more  important:  Ewald  thinks 
that  the  aim  of  the  author  is  to  teach  the  truth  that 
“True  fear  and  repentance  bring  salvation  from  Yah- 
weh.”  When  the  sailors  give  Yahweh  alone  the  glory 
they  are  saved  and  when  the  Ninevites  forsake  their 
evil  ways  and  turn  to  Yahweh  their  doom  is  averted. 
Chapter  4,  he  thinks,  teaches  that  the  ultimate  basis  of 
this  truth  is  found  in  Yahweh  himself.  It  “reveals  the 
supreme  divine  love  as  the  true  and  necessary  basis  of 
the  redemption  of  the  penitent  of  all  sorts  without  excep¬ 
tion.”41  Hitzig  sees  an  apologetic  purpose  in  the  book. 
It  seeks,  he  thinks,  to  justify  the  prophets  for  the  non¬ 
fulfillment  of  their  oracles  by  pointing  out  that  they 
speak  under  divine  compulsion;  hence,  if  any  justification 
is  needed  it  is  needed  by  God,  who  is  behind  the  prophet. 
At  the  same  time  it  seeks  to  justify  God  and  to  silence 
all  complaints  arising  out  of  the  nonfulfillment  by  trac- 

40  Expositor ,  Fourth  series,  VI,  p.  2. 

41  Die  Propheten  des  Alien  Bundes,  III,  pp.  236,  237. 

455 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


ing,  in  the  closing  verses,  the  nonfulfillment  to  the  divine 
mercy  and  compassion.42  A  similar  interpretation  is 
suggested  by  Vatke:  “The  author  obviously  teaches,  (i) 
since  the  prophet  cannot  withdraw  from  the  divine  com¬ 
mission,  he  is  not  responsible  for  the  contents  of  his  pre¬ 
dictions;  (2)  the  prophet  frequently  announces  divine 
purposes  which  are  not  fulfilled,  because  God  in  his  mercy 
takes  back  the  threat,  when  repentance  follows;  (3)  the 
honor  of  a  prophet  is  not  hurt  when  a  threat  is  not  ful¬ 
filled,  and  the  inspiration  remains  unquestioned,  although 
many  predictions  are  not  carried  out.”43  According  to 
Riehm,  “the  practical  purpose  of  the  little  book  is  to  give 
instruction  as  to  the  proper  attitude  toward  prophetic 
threats  ;  they  are  to  be  respected  as  God’s  words,  which 
the  prophet  must  proclaim  even  against  his  own  will; 
but  their  fulfillment  may  be  averted  by  repentance,  and 
when  this  has  happened  no  exception  must  be  taken  to 
the  nonfulfillment  of  the  divine  message.”44  Volck  dis¬ 
covers  in  the  book  an  attempt  to  set  forth  the  true  nature 
of  the  prophetic  calling.  “We  learn  from  it,”  he  says, 
“  ( 1 )  that  the  prophet  must  perform  what  God  commands 
him,  however  unusual  it  appears;  (2)  that  even  death 
cannot  nullify  his  calling;  (3)  that  the  prophet  has  no 
right  to  the  fulfillment  of  his  prediction,  but  must  place 
it  in  God’s  hand.”45 

There  are  elements  of  truth  in  each  of  these  views. 
All  the  lessons  mentioned  may  be  learned  from  the  book, 
but  the  interpretations  indicated  fail  to  emphasize  suffi¬ 
ciently  that  which  seems  to  be  the  very  heart  of  its  mes- 

42  Die  Kleinen  Propheten,  pp.  174,  175. 

43  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament ,  p.  688. 

44  Theologische  Studien  und  Kritiken,  1862,  p.  413. 

45  Herzog,  Reale?icyclopcedie,  article  “Jona.” 

456 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


sage :  In  some  respects  this  little  story  reaches  the 
sublimest  height  of  Old  Testament  religion;  and  it  is 
no  rhetorical  exaggeration  when  Cornill  exclaims :  “This 
apparently  trivial  book  is  one  of  the  deepest  and  grandest 
that  was  ever  written,  and  I  should  like  to  say  to  every¬ 
one  that  approaches  it,  'Take  off  thy  shoes,  for  the  place 
whereon  thou  standest  is  holy  ground/  In  this  book 
Israelitish  prophecy  quits  the  scene  of  battle  as  victor, 
and  as  victor  in  its  severest  struggle — that  against  it¬ 
self/’46 

What,  then,  gives  to  the  little  book  this  significance? 
What  is  the  lesson  that  “runs  like  a  red  thread  through 
the  whole  and  at  last  becomes  a  knot  whose  unloosing 
in  4.  10,  11  forms  the  glorious  finale?”  It  is  the  uni¬ 
versality  of  the  divine  love  and  compassion.  Nowhere  else 
in  the  Old  Testament  is  such  continued  stress  laid  on  the 
Fatherhood  of  God,  embracing  in  its  infinite  love  the 
whole  human  race.  The  book  of  Jonah  is  indeed  a  “mis¬ 
sionary  book,”  teaching  that  God  does  not  wish  that  “any 
should  perish,  but  that  all  should  come  to  repentance.” 
During  the  postexilic  period  there  was  growing  among 
the  Jews  a  spirit  of  exclusiveness,47  creating  a  feeling 
that  Yahweh’s  interest  did  not  extend  beyond  Judaism. 
To  counteract  this  narrow  particularism  is  the  aim  of  the 
prophetic  author  of  this  little  book.  “The  national  limits 
of  the  old  covenant  are  here  wondrously  broken  through; 
the  entire  heathen  world  opens  as  a  mission  field  to  the 
messengers  of  Yahweh.  Thus  the  book  with  its  wide- 
hearted  outlook  on  God’s  ways,  and  the  sharp  criticism 
of  the  selfish  spirit  of  the  Jewish  people,  as  a  didactic 
work,  is  itself  a  miracle  in  the  literature  of  this  people.” 

46  The  Prophets  of  Israel,  p.  170. 

47  See  above,  the  Teaching  of  Joel,  p.  403. 

457 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


Literary  Form.  The  book  of  Jonah  has  been  described 
as  a  prophetic  parable,  an  allegory,  a  historico-symbolic 
prophecy,  a  Midrash.  It  has  been  interpreted  as  a  para¬ 
bolic  history  of  all  Israel,48  or  of  a  single  party  in  the 
postexilic  community.  If  the  book  is  an  allegory  of 
Israel’s  history,  Jonah  symbolizes  the  nation.  Israel 
had  received  a  divine  commission  to  make  known  Yah¬ 
weh  to  all  the  earth,49  but  Israel  was  disobedient  and 
failed  to  carry  out  the  divine  purpose;50  in  punishment 
it  was  swallowed  up  by  the  “monster.”51  In  exile  Israel 
turned  to  Yahweh52  and,  in  consequence,  was  delivered 
from  the  monster.53  The  duration  of  Israel’s  judgment 
is  represented  by  Hosea  as  lasting  two  or  three  days.54 
While  the  exile  brought  the  Israelites,  in  some  measure, 
to  their  senses,  they  were  not  entirely  cured.  Their  mis¬ 
sion  was  not  revoked,  and  it  remained  their  duty  to  carry 
the  knowledge  of  Yahweh  to  the  ends  of  the  earth.  But 
the  restored  Israel  remained  silent;  there  were  many  who 
could  think  of  other  nations  only  as  doomed ;  they  were 
displeased  because  the  threats  of  the  preexilic  prophets 
against  these  non-Israelites  remained  unfulfilled.  To 
teach  these  narrow-minded  Jews  the  folly  and  wickedness 
of  their  attitude  is  the  aim  of  chapters  3  and  4. 

Others  believe  that  the  author  had  in  mind  only  the 
unspiritual  Israelites  of  the  postexilic  period  and  that  the 

48  For  instance,  Kleinert,  Cheyne,  C.  H.  H.  Wright,  G.  A.  Smith. 

49  Gen.  12.  13;  Isa.  42.  1-8;  compare  Jonah  1.  1,  2. 

50  Isa.  42.  19-24;  compare  Jonah  1.  3,  4. 

61  Jer*  51*  345  compare  Jonah  1.  17.  The  word  translated  “monster’’ 
in  Jeremiah  is  translated  “sea  monster”  in  Gen.  1.  21 ;  Job  7.  12;  etc. 

62  The  prophets  frequently  declared  that  the  exile  would  have  this 
effect  on  the  nation;  compare  Jonah  2.  iff. 

63  Jcr.  51.  44;  Ezra  1.  iff.;  compare  Jonah  2.  10. 

£4  Hosea  6.  2;  compare  Jonah  1.  17.  For  the  meaning  of  the  Hosea 
passage  see  any  recent  commentary. 

458 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


coincidences  with  the  earlier  period  are  accidental.  Ac¬ 
cording  to  this  view,  Jonah  represents  not  the  whole 
nation  but  only  the  unspiritual  portion  of  the  postexilic 
community,  and  the  purpose  of  the  book  is  to  convince 
this  narrow-minded  party  of  the  iniquity  of  selfish  par¬ 
ticularism  and  to  furnish  a  more  adequate  vision  of  the 
divine  purpose. 

Budde,  accepting,  on  the  whole,  the  view  of  the  teach¬ 
ing  of  the  book  suggested  in  the  preceding  paragraph, 
thinks  that  the  book  is  an  excerpt  from  a  Midrash 55 
on  the  books  of  Kings,  either  the  Midrash  mentioned  in 
2  Chron.  24.  27,  or  one  otherwise  unknown.56  He 
further  suggests  that  the  passage  underlying  the  Midrash 
in  2  Kings  14.  25-27,  which  is  the  only  Old  Testament 
passage  outside  of  the  book  of  Jonah  in  which  Jonah  is 
mentioned.  '‘The  author  of  the  book  of  Kings  puts  into 
Yahweh’s  mouth  warm  words  of  mercy  toward  the 
northern  kingdom.  It  is  easy  to  see  how  a  Midrash 
might  be  added  showing  that  his  mercy  extended  even  to 
an  alien,  heathen  empire.”  Budde’s  suggestion  is  worthy 
of  consideration,  but  cannot  be  regarded  as  fully  estab¬ 
lished.  Indeed,  it  is  exceedingly  doubtful  that  the  Mid¬ 
rash  used  by  the  Chronicler  was  permeated  by  the  uni- 
versalistic  spirit  so  prominent  in  the  book  of  Jonah.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  narrative  ma¬ 
terial  used  by  the  author  was  secured  from  such  a 
Midrash. 

Whatever  may  be  the  final  conclusion  regarding  the 
type  of  literature  to  which  the  little  book  belongs,  the 

66  A  Midrash  may  be  defined  as  an  imaginative  development  of 
a  thought  or  theme  suggested  by  scripture,  a  didactic  or  homiletic 
exposition,  an  edifying  religious  story. 

D6  Zeitschrijt  fuer  AUtestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  1892,  pp.  4off. 

459 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


significance  of  its  teaching  is  in  no  wise  affected  by  the 
diversity  of  opinion.  In  any  case  the  fact  remains  that 
its  message  reached  the  highest  summit  of  Old  Testament 
vision.  “In  no  book  of  the  Old  Testament,”  says  Bleek, 
“is  the  all-embracing  father-love  of  God,  which  has  no 
respect  for  person  or  nation,  but  is  moved  to  mercy  to¬ 
ward  all  who  turn  to  him,  exhibited  with  equal  impres¬ 
siveness,  or  in  a  manner  so  nearly  approaching  the  spirit 
of  Christianity.”57 

Sources  of  Material.  Is  the  book  of  Jonah  entirely  a 
work  of  the  imagination?  If  not,  where  did  the  author 
secure  the  material  out  of  which  he  constructed  the  story? 
Hitzig,  Cornill,  and  others  consider  the  narrative  por¬ 
tions  entirely  a  work  of  the  imagination.  Other  com¬ 
mentators  have  thought  that  they  could  discover  traces 
of  ancient  myths,  either  Greek  or  Babylonian.  Thus  the 
book  has  been  connected  with  the  myth  of  Hercules,  who 
is  said  to  have  delivered  Hesione,  the  daughter  of 
Laomedon,  from  a  sea  monster;  and  with  that  of 
Perseus,  who  is  said  to  have  freed  Andromeda  from  a 
monster,  near  the  city  of  Joppa.58  In  more  recent  times 
the  “great  fish”  has  frequently  been  connected  with 
Babylonian  mythology.  F.  C.  Baur  suggested  that  Jonah 
may  have  some  connection  with  the  Babylonian  Oannes ,59 
mentioned  by  Berosus.  Cheyne  and  others  suspect  a 
dependence  upon  the  Babylonian  Tiamat  myths.60  Marti 


67  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament ,  p.  404. 

68  Suggested  by  Gesenius,  DeWette,  Rosenmueller,  Friedrichsen,  and 
others;  compare  Iliad,  xx.  I45ff.;  xxi.  441  ff.;  Josephus,  Jewish  Wars, 
iii,  9.  3. 

69  In  Ilgen’s  Zeitschrift  fuer  die  historische  Theologie,  Neue  Folge,  I, 
pp.  I02ff. 

60  Theological  Review,  1877,  pp.  21  iff. 

460 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


calls  attention  also  to  the  Buddhist  story  of  Mittavindaka, 
and  to  an  Egyptian  legend  of  the  third  pre-Christian 
millennium.61  All  of  these  stories  reveal  some  resem¬ 
blances  with  the  biblical  narrative,  but  the  similarities  are 
so  slight  and  the  differences  so  striking  that  any  direct 
connection  or  relationship  seems  more  than  improbable. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  may  well  be  some  connection 
between  the  “great  fish”  and  Tiamat,  other  Old  Testa¬ 
ment  references  or  allusions  to  which  may  be  seen  in 
the  figures  of  Rahab62  and  Leviathan.63  If  this  is  so,  the 
rest  of  the  story  may  still  be  a  work  of  the  imagination. 

Granting  that  the  narrative  is  essentially  a  work  of 
the  imagination,  why  did  the  author  make  the  imaginary 
story  center  around  Jonah  ?  Cheyne  finds  no  connection 
between  the  Jonah  of  this  little  book  and  the  prophet 
named  in  2  Kings  14.  25.  Starting  from  the  fact  that  the 
Hebrew  word  translated  “dove”  is  the  same  as  the  proper 
name  “Jonah,”  he  finds  an  explanation  in  the  custom  of 
referring  to  Israel  as  a  dove.64  But  why  is  this  dove 
represented  as  a  prophet?  Because,  he  replies,  the  mis¬ 
sion  of  Israel,  which  is  symbolized  by  the  dove,  is  a 
prophetic  mission.65  A  somewhat  different  explanation 
is  offered  by  G.  A.  Smith:  “In  history  Jonah  appears 
only  as  concerned  with  Israel’s  reconquest  of  her  lands 
from  the  heathen.  Did  the  author  of  the  book  say,  T 
will  take  such  a  man,  one  to  whom  tradition  attributes 
no  outlook  beyond  Israel’s  own  territories,  for  none  could 


61  Das  Dodekapropheton,  p.  246.  For  numerous  other  legends  of  a 
similar  nature  see  H.  Schmidt,  Jona,  pp.  I22ff. 

62  Isa.  51.  9;  Ps.  89.  10. 

63  Isa.  27.  1 ;  Job  3.  8;  compare  also  Jer.  51.  34,  44. 

64  Compare  Ps.  68.  13. 

Isa.  54.  13,  margin;  compare  42.  4;  etc. 

461 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


be  so  typical  of  Israel,  narrow,  selfish,  and  with  no  love 
for  the  world  beyond  herself’?”66  If  the  narrative  must 
be  accepted  as  a  work  of  the  imagination,  Smith’s  ex¬ 
planation  of  the  use  of  Jonah  appears  to  be  more  natural 
and  satisfactory. 

Still  others  believe  that  the  narrative  is  not  purely 
imaginative,  but  that  the  author  owes  much  of  the  ma¬ 
terial — how  much  it  may  be  impossible  to  say — to  tradi¬ 
tions  centering  around  Jonah  and  resting  upon  a  more 
or  less  substantial  historical  basis.  These  traditions  may 
have  told  of  a  journey  of  the  prophet  to  Nineveh,  of  a 
shipwreck  and  deliverance,  or  simply  of  a  discourse 
uttered  by  him  against  the  Assyrian  city.  Treating  this 
traditional  material  with  considerable  freedom,  the  pro¬ 
phetic  author  may  have  cast  it  into  the  literary  form 
through  which  he  thought  he  might  set  before  his  readers 
most  forcibly  the  truths  he  wanted  them  to  take  to  heart. 
For  an  appreciation  of  the  permanent  religious  value  of 
the  book  it  matters  little  whether  the  narrative  is  en¬ 
tirely  a  work  of  the  imagination  or  not,  and  if  not, 
whence  the  author  derived  his  material.  The  narrative 
is  only  the  garment  in  which  a  prophetic  spirit  clothed 
the  eternal  truth  of  the  all-embracing  love  and  compas¬ 
sion  of  Yahweh. 

Date  of  the  Book.  If  the  interpretation  of  the  book 
suggested  in  the  preceding  pages  is  correct,  it  follows 
almost  inevitably  that  its  origin  must  be  assigned  to  a 
period  separated  from  the  prophet  Jonah  by  several  cen¬ 
turies.  Indeed,  it  is  assigned  to  such  a  late  date  by  all 
writers  who  interpret  the  book  as  having  primarily  a 
didactic  purpose.  Even  some  of  the  defenders  of  the  his- 


66  The  Minor  Prophets,  II,  p.  504. 

462 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


torical  interpretation  believe  that  the  narrative  was  not 
written  by  the  prophet  Jonah,  whose  experiences  it  is 
thought  to  describe.  Says  Harman:  “The  language 
seems  altogether  inconsistent  with  such  an  early  date, 
and  would  indicate  a  period  just  before,  or  soon  after, 
the  Babylonian  captivity.”67  Defenders  of  the  tradi¬ 
tional  date  rarely  advance  specific  reasons  for  their 
belief ;  ordinarily  they  are  content  with  pointing  out  that 
there  is  nothing  in  the  book  to  prove  that  Jonah  was  not 
the  author.  Beardslee  advances  five  reasons,  two  of 
which,  however,  have  no  bearing  on  the  question  of 
authorship ;  the  remaining  three  are :  ( i )  Its  place  among 
the  Minor  Prophets;  (2)  “all  details  of  the  narrative  lead 
us  to  regard  it  as  a  personal  record”;  (3)  “the  tone  of 
the  book  ...  is  more  in  harmony  with  Jonah’s  time 
than  with  the  later  postexilic  period.”68  The  weakness 
of  these  arguments  can  best  be  shown  by  considering  the 
arguments  on  the  other  side. 

The  date  must  be  determined  wholly  on  the  basis  of 
internal  evidence,  for  the  position  of  the  book  in  the 
collection  of  the  Minor  Prophets  proves  nothing;69  it  cer¬ 
tainly  does  not  prove  that  the  compilers  of  the  canon 
“were  firmly  convinced  that  the  prophet  Jonah  was  the 
author.”  Its  didactic  character  made  the  prophetic  col¬ 
lection  its  only  suitable  place;  its  brevity  secured  for  it 
a  position  among  the  Minor  Prophets,  and  its  mention  of 
the  prophet  Jonah  determined  its  admission  among  the 
books  considered  the  earlier.  Jewish  tradition  is  silent 
on  the  subject  of  authorship,  perhaps,  because  it  took 
Jonah’s  authorship  for  granted.  “In  the  Talmudic 

67  Introduction  to  the  Holy  Scriptures,  p.  433. 

68  Outlines  of  an  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament ,  p.  III. 

69  See  above,  pp.  389,  390. 


463 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


period/’  remarks  Fuerst,  “the  question  respecting  its 
author  was  left  altogether  undecided.”70 

The  internal  evidence  in  favor  of  the  late  date  of  the 
book — aside  from  the  considerations  urged  in  the  preced¬ 
ing  pages — may  be  summarized  as  follows : 

1.  The  Literary  Arguments:  (i)  Jonah  is  nowhere 
mentioned  as  the  author  ;  he  is  always  spoken  of  in  the 
third  person,  except  where  the  author  places  direct  utter¬ 
ances  in  his  mouth.71  (2)  “Although  there  are  many 
vivid  details,  they  are  such  as  might  be  suggested  by 
ordinary  experiences,  a  storm  at  sea  or  exposure  to  the 
sun;  there  are  none  of  those  casual  allusions  to  time, 
place,  or  person  which  we  expect  in  a  man's  account  of 
his  own  experiences 

2.  The  Linguistic  Argument  L2  It  is  generally  admitted 
that  the  book  of  Jonah  contains  several  linguistic 
peculiarities,  especially  Aramaisms;73  but  concerning  the 
explanation  of  these  and  their  bearing  upon  the  ques¬ 
tion  of  authorship  opinions  have  differed  very  widely. 
Keil  is  content  with  saying  that  none  of  the  unusual 
words  and  expressions  “can  with  certainty  be  said  not  to 
belong  to  the  old  Hebrew  modes  of  expression.”74 
Others,  arguing  from  the  language  of  the  book  of  Hosea, 
point  out  that  the  dialect  of  the  north — thought  to 
have  been  spoken  by  Jonah— differed  from  that  of  the 

70  Ueber  den  Kanon,  p.  33.  The  ascription  of  the  entire  collection  of 
Minor  Prophets  to  the  Men  of  the  Great  Synagogue  (F.  C.  Eiselen,  The 
Books  of  the  Pentateuch ,  p.  86),  of  course  included  the  book  of  Jonah. 

71  Compare  1.  9;  2.  2ff.;  etc. 

72  For  a  general  estimate  of  the  linguistic  argument,  see  above,  p.  396. 

75  A  list  of  these  expressions  may  be  found  in  Hastings,  Dictionary  of 

the  Bible ,  II,  p.  748;  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction ,  p.  322;  Bewer,  Jonah , 
p.  12. 

74  Introduction ,  p.  402. 


464 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


south,  and  that,  the  northern  kingdom  being  nearer  the 
territory  in  which  Aramaic  was  spoken,  it  would  be  only 
natural  to  find  Aramaic  elements  in  the  language  spoken 
by  a  northerner,  even  at  an  early  date.  Were  the 
peculiarities  fewer  in  number,  this  might  serve  as  an  ade¬ 
quate  explanation,  but  when  so  many  peculiarities  are 
found  crowded  in  so  short  a  space,  it  seems  more  rea¬ 
sonable  to  explain  them  as  due  to  the  fact  that,  when 
the  book  of  Jonah  was  written,  the  literary  language  of 
the  Hebrews  had  already  been  considerably  influenced  by 
the  Aramaic.  This  takes  us  down  to  the  period  of  the 
exile  or  later. 

3.  The  Theological  Argument:  If  the  book  has 
primarily  a  didactic  purpose,  and  if  any  one  of  the  views 
regarding  its  central  teaching  mentioned  above  is  correct, 
the  theological  ideas  expressed  and  the  general  tone  of 
the  book  favor  a  period  subsequent  to  the  activity  of  the 
great  eighth-century  prophets.  Indeed,  no  period  was 
more  suitable  for  the  expression  of  these  ideas  than  the 
generations  following  the  legalistic  reforms  of  Ezra- 
Nehemiah,  when  a  living  voice  was  needed  to  counter¬ 
act  the  narrow  particularism  of  the  age.75 

4.  The  Historical  Argument:  (1)  Nineveh  enjoyed  its 
greatest  splendor  after  the  time  of  Jonah,  but  even  dur¬ 
ing  its  most  flourishing  period  it  did  not  reach  the  extent 
suggested  in  3.  3. 76  One  familiar  with  the  city  from  per¬ 
sonal  observation  could  hardly  use  the  terms  employed 
in  the  book.  On  the  other  hand,  they  might  well  come 
from  an  author  who  had  never  seen  the  city  because  he 
lived  after  its  destruction  in  607/606  b.  c.,  and  was  de¬ 
pendent  for  information  on  oral  tradition  or  a  late 

76  See  above,  p.  403. 

78  See  above,  p.  444. 

465 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


Midrash.  (2)  “Nonmention  of  the  name  of  the 
Assyrian  king,  who  played  such  a  prominent  part  in  chap¬ 
ter  3,  may  be  taken  as  an  indication  that  it  was  not  known 
to  the  author  of  the  book.”77  (3)  The  description  of  an 
Assyrian  king  as  “king  of  Nineveh”78  is  very  unusual. 
The  conservative  Sayce  goes  so  far  as  to  say  that  it  could 
not  have  been  used  as  long  as  the  Assyrian  empire  was 
in  existence.79  (4)  The  definite  statement  in  3.  3, 
“Nineveh  was  an  exceeding  great  city,”  points  to  an 
author  who  wrote  when  Nineveh’s  greatness  had  de¬ 
parted.80 

5.  The  Argument  from  Literary  Parallels:  The  book 
of  Jonah  presents  many  literary  parallels  with  other  Old 
Testament  writings.81  This  is  especially  true  of  the 
prayer  in  2.  2-9. 82  These  resemblances  are  too  numerous 
to  be  explained  as  due  to  accident ;  the  only  natural  inter¬ 
pretation  is  that  the  author  of  the  prayer  adopted  and 
adapted  passages  from  psalms  with  which  he  was  famil- 


77  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction ,  p.  322. 

78  Jonah  3.  6. 

79  Higher  Criticism  and  the  Monuments ,  p.  487.  This  conclusion  is 
supported  by  the  exhaustive  study  of  the  titles  of  Assyrian  kings  pre¬ 
sented  by  Professor  Wilson  in  the  Princeton  Review ,  July  1904,  and  1905. 

80  The  attempt  has  been  made  to  weaken  the  force  of  this  argument  by 
interpreting  the  tense  as  a  “synchronistic  perfect”;  that  is,  Jonah 
looking  back  to  his  first  impression  of  the  city,  states  that  at  that  time 
it  impressed  him  as  a  great  city.  In  support  of  this  interpretation 
reference  is  made  to  Gen.  1.  2,  “and  the  earth  was  waste  and  void.” 
But  this  passage  rather  confirms  the  interpretation  that  the  greatness 
of  the  city  was  a  thing  of  the  past.  To  the  author  of  Gen.  1.  2  the  earth 
was  no  longer  waste  and  void. 

81  Compare  3.  9  with  Joel  2.  14;  4.  2  with  Exod.  34.  6;  Joel  2.  13; 
Pss.  86.  15;  103.  8. 

82  Compare  verse  2  with  Pss.  18.  5,  6;  120.  1;  verse  3  with  Pss.  42.  7; 
18.  4,  5;  verse  4  with  Psa.  31.  22;  Lam.  3.  54;  verse  5  with  Pss.  18.  4; 
69.  1;  1 1 6.  3;  verse  7  with  Psa.  142.  3;  verse  9  with  Pss.  3.  8;  50.  14. 

466 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


iar.83  Some  of  the  psalms  used  certainly  are  later 
than  the  age  of  the  prophet  Jonah.  Consequently,  the 
literary  parallels,  like  the  other  arguments,  point  to  a  late 
date. 

These  five  lines  of  argument  all  point  in  the  same  direc¬ 
tion,  namely,  that  the  book  was  not  composed  in  the 
eighth  century  by  Jonah,  but  several  centuries  later  by  a 
great  prophetic  spirit.  The  exact  date  is  not  easily  de¬ 
termined.  If  the  dates  of  the  psalms  quoted  could  be 
fixed,  or  if  dependence  upon  Joel  could  be  established,  the 
task  would  be  easier,  but  the  dates  of  the  psalms  will 
always  remain  more  or  less  doubtful  and  dependence  upon 
Joel  is  by  no  means  certain.  Hence  the  almost  startling 
diversity  of  opinion  among  scholars  as  to  the  exact  date : 
Kleinert,  for  instance,  thinks  of  the  exile;  Ewald,  of  the 
sixth  or  fifth  century;  Driver,  of  the  fifth;  von  Orelli,  of 
the  later  part  of  the  Chaldean  or  the  earlier  part  of  the 
Persian  period;  Cornill,  of  the  close  of  the  Persian  or 
the  early  years  of  the  Greek  period;  Nowack,  after  Joel; 
G.  A.  Smith,  probably  about  300;  Marti,  about  300  or 
the  third  century;  Koenig,  not  later  than  300;  Hitzig, 
the  Maccabean  age;  etc.  If  the  prophetic  canon  was 
completed  about  200  b.  c.,  as  is  now  generally  thought, 
the  book  cannot  be  of  later  origin;  and  if  the  interpreta¬ 
tion  of  its  teaching  set  forth  in  the  preceding  pages  is 
correct,  it  probably  is  not  earlier  than  the  age  of  Ezra- 
Nehemiah;  in  other  words,  the  origin  of  the  book  may 
be  placed  somewhere  between  400  and  200,  perhaps  soon 
after  300  b.  c. 

Unity  of  the  book.  The  arguments  from  literary 
parallels  based  upon  2.  2-9  are  of  value  in  determining 


83  It  is  incorrect,  however,  to  consider  the  prayer  merely  a  string 
quotations. 


of 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


the  date  of  the  entire  book  only  if  the  prayer  formed  a 
part  of  the  book  in  its  original  form.  Against  the 
originality  of  the  prayer — and  thus  against  the  unity  of 
the  book — it  is  urged  that  the  prayer  is  not  suitable  in 
its  present  position,  that  it  is  not  appropriate  in  the  mouth 
of  Jonah  while  in  the  belly  of  the  fish,  but  only  after  he 
had  been  cast  out  upon  the  dry  land.  A  more  suitable 
place  being  after  2.  io,  it  is  felt  that  the  author  of  the 
book,  had  he  been  also  the  author  of  the  prayer,  would 
undoubtedly  have  placed  it  after  that  verse.84  Con¬ 
sequently,  many  scholars  regard  the  prayer  a  later  addi¬ 
tion,  made  by  some  one  who  may  have  “ found  the  psalm 
ready-made  and  in  a  collection  where  it  was  perhaps  attri¬ 
buted  to  Jonah,  who  inserted  it  after  verse  2, 85  which 
records  that  Jonah  did  pray  from  the  belly  of  the  fish, 
and  inserted  it  there  more  readily  because  it  seemed  right 
for  a  book  which  found  its  place  among  the  Twelve 
Prophets  to  contribute,  as  all  the  others  did,  some  actual 
discourse  of  the  prophet  whose  name  it  bore.”86  Others 
see  no  necessity  for  denying  the  prayer  to  the  author  of 
the  rest  of  the  book.  They  admit  the  difficulty  of  deter¬ 
mining  whether  he  actually  composed  the  prayer  or  found 
it  “ready-made,”  but  they  consider  it  quite  conceivable 
that  he  inserted  it  in  the  book  in  its  present  position. 
The  author  knew,  they  reason,  when  he  wrote  i.  iy, 
that  his  hero  would  be  saved,  for  he  stated  that  God  “pre¬ 
pared  a  great  fish  to  swallow  Jonah”;  hence,  from  the 
point  of  view  of  the  author,  Jonah  was  safe  as  soon  as 
he  entered  the  belly  of  the  fish,  and  a  song  of  thanks- 


84  So,  for  instance,  Budde,  Zeitschrift  juer  Alttestamentliche  Wissen- 
schaft ,  1892,  p.  42. 

85  In  English,  verse  1. 

86  G.  A.  Smith,  Minor  Prophets,  II,  p.  51 1. 

468 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


giving  was  in  order.  “Given  the  fish,”  says  G.  A.  Smith, 
“and  the  divine  purpose  of  the  fish,  the  psalm  is  in¬ 
telligible  and  appears  in  its  proper  place/’87  To  the 
present  writer  it  seems  improbable  that  the  prayer  was 
composed  by  the  author  of  the  rest  of  the  book,  for  he 
surely  would  have  selected  expressions  more  suitable  to 
the  condition  of  his  hero.  It  is  more  difficult  to  de¬ 
termine  whether  an  earlier  prayer  was  inserted  in  the 
book  by  the  author  of  the  narrative  sections,  or  whether 
the  prayer  owes  its  origin  or  present  position  to  a  later 
reader,  who  missed  the  prayer  referred  to  in  2.  i  or  an 
expression  of  gratitude  on  the  part  of  the  delivered 
prophet,88  and  therefore  proceeded  to  supply  the  lack. 

Several  attempts  have  been  made  to  prove  that,  even 
aside  from  the  prayer,  the  book  is  a  compilation  of  ma¬ 
terial  taken  from  several  different  sources.  As  early  as 
1799,  Nachtigal  assumed  three  sources,  which  he  sepa¬ 
rated  on  the  basis  of  differences  in  language,  spirit,  and 
manner  of  presentation.89  Later  writers,  on  the  basis 
of  more  or  less  independent  investigations,  questioned 
the  unity  of  the  book,90  but  only  two  or  three  of  the  more 
recent  theories  deserve  detailed  consideration.  W. 
Boehme,  after  a  careful  critical  examination  of  the  book, 
reaches  the  conclusion,  on  the  basis  of  alleged  contradic- 

87  Minor  Prophets ,  II,  p.  512. 

88  J.  A.  Bewer,  Jonah ,  p.  23. 

89  He  considered  the  prayer  to  be  the  oldest,  uttered  by  Jonah  “after 
God  had  delivered  him  out  of  the  hand  of  the  king  of  Assyria.”  To  it 
were  added  chapters  3  and  4  by  an  exile  in  Babylonia,  and  still  later, 
1.  i-i7;2.  1,  10  by  a  contemporary  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  (Eichhorn’s 
Allgemeine  Bibliothek  der  Biblischen  Litter  atur,  1799,  pp.  221  ff.) 

90  For  instance,  Bunsen,  Gott  in  der  Geschichte,  I,  pp.  349ff. ;  C.  Koehler, 
Der  Prophetismns  der  Hebraeer  (cp.  Farrar,  Minor  Prophets ,  p.  236); 
P.  Kleinert,  Jona,  p.  9;  K.  Kohler,  Theological  Review,  1879,  pp.  139ft. 
The  theories  of  all  these  writers  are,  on  the  whole,  rather  simple. 

469 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


tions  in  the  narrative,  differences  in  the  language,  the 
use  of  different  divine  names,  etc.,  that,  besides  several 
minor  later  additions,  material  coming  from  four  sources 
may  be  distinguished.  He  distributes  the  contents  as 
follows :  ( i )  A,  the  author  of  the  kernel  of  chapters  I  to 
4;  (2)  B,  the  author  of  the  narrative  in  chapters  3  and 
4,  in  some  instances  parallel  with  the  latter  part  of  the 
material  contributed  by  A,  in  others  differing  from  it; 
(3)  R,  the  redactor  who  combined  A  and  B;  (4)  the 
reviser,  who  expanded  ABR,  especially  in  chapters  1  and 
4,  and  inserted  the  prayer,  composed  by  an  unknown 
poet;  (5)  a  few  smaller  additions,  the  latest  of  which,  1. 
8a,  is  later  than  the  Septuagint  translation.  A  is  assigned 
to  the  fourth  or  the  third  pre-Christian  Century.91 

H.  Schmidt  agrees  with  Boehme  that  material  from 
different  sources  may  be  recognized,  but  in  his  explana¬ 
tions  of  later  insertions  he  lays  much  more  stress  upon  the 
influence  of  religious  motives.  Thus,  he  thinks,  that 
the  abrupt  change  from  divine  wrath  to  divine  mercy 
disturbed  a  later  reader  and  led  him  to  introduce  the 
prayer  in  2.  2-9;  in  chapter  3  this  reader  thought  that 
Yahweh  was  too  easily  reconciled,  hence  he  inserted  3. 
6-9;  1.  13,  14  is  intended  to  remove  a  difficulty  created 
by  the  fact  that  non-Israelite  sailors  are  permitted  to 
throw  a  prophet  of  Yahweh  into  the  sea,  without  being 
punished  for  it;  etc.92  These  various  attempts  to  dis¬ 
prove  the  unity  of  the  book  have  not  been  favorably  re¬ 
ceived  by  scholars.  In  the  words  of  Bewer,  they  “show 
that  there  are  certain  difficulties  in  the  text  which  must 

91  Zeitschrift  fuer  Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  1887,  pp.  224-284. 

92  Ibid ,  1905,  pp.  285-310.  Attention  may  be  called  also  [to  the 
discussions  by  H.  Winckler,  Altorientalische  Forschungen,  II,  pp.  260-265; 
E.  Sievers,  Alttestamentliche  Miscellen ,  2;  W.  Erbt,  Elias,  Elisa,  Jona\ 
J.  Bewer,  Jonah ,  pp.  13-21. 


470 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


be  accounted  for.  But  they  must  not  be  magnified.  There 
are  real  difficulties,  for  example,  in  i.  8,  9;  3.  8;  4.  5, 
but  the  remedies  needed  are  slight,  and  all  theories  that 
work  with  several  sources,  or  with  many  transpositions, 
are  too  artificial  to  be  true.”93  We  may  conclude,  there¬ 
fore,  that  with  the  possible  exception  of  the  prayer,  the 
book  of  Jonah  is  the  work  of  one  writer  and  that,  with 
the  exception  of  minor  alterations,  it  is  now  substantially 
as  it  was  when  it  left  the  hands  of  the  author. 


6.  The  Book  of  Micah1 

Name.  The  name  “Micah”2  is  an  abbreviation  of 
the  name  Micaiah,3  and  means  “Who  is  like  Yahweh?” 
It  may,  perhaps,  be  interpreted  as  a  confession  of  faith 
on  the  part  of  the  prophet’s  parents.4 

Contents  and  Outline.  The  book  of  Micah  falls 
naturally  into  three  parts,  chapters  1,  2, 5 6  chapters  3  to 

5,  and  chapters  6,  7,  each  part  beginning  with  “Hear  ye.”® 
If  the  division  here  proposed  is  correct,  each  section 
contains  one  or  more  descriptions  of  the  present  corrup- 

93  Jonah ,  p.  21. 

xThe  Book  of  Micah  occupies  sixth  place  in  the  Hebrew  Bible,  but  is 
found  in  third  place  in  the  Septuagint. 

2  Hebrew  STD^p,  Mlkhdh,  Septuagint,  M txcdas,  Michaias,  Vulgate, 
Michceas. 

8  The  prophet  is  called  by  the  longer  name  in  Jer.  26.  18. 

4  Perhaps  at  a  time  when  the  worship  of  Yahweh  seemed  in  danger. 
This,  of  course,  cannot  be  proved,  for  names  containing  the  name  of 

Deity  are  frequent  in  the  Old  Testament,  and  are  by  no  means 
in  all  cases  evidence  of  parental  piety. 

6  The  common  division  is  chapters  1  to  3,  chapters  4,  5,  and  chapters 

6,  7.  To  the  present  writer  the  above  suggested  division  appears  to  do 
better  justice  to  the  contents. 

6  See  1.  2;  3.  1;  6.  1. 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


tion,  announcements  of  imminent  judgment,  and 
promises  of  a  bright  and  glorious  future,  each  section, 
at  the  same  time,  marking  an  advance  over  the  preced¬ 
ing  section.  It  would,  however,  be  erroneous  to  suppose 
that  the  three  parts  represent  three  connected  discourses, 
delivered  on  three  different  occasions.  They  are,  rather, 
three  collections  of  originally  independent  fragments, 
arranged  in  their  present  order  and  form  by  a  relatively 
late  collector.  The  principle  of  arrangement  is,  in  a 
broad  sense,  logical,  the  collector  or  collectors  keeping 
in  mind  the  general  scheme — corruption,  judgment,  salva¬ 
tion  of  a  remnant,  promise.  Within  this  general  scheme 
the  separate  utterances  were  arranged  more  or  less  hap¬ 
hazardly  and  without  the  introduction  of  connecting 
links.  As  a  result,  abruptness  in  transition  is  not  un¬ 
common,  and  at  times  the  development  of  the  thought  is 
not  easily  traced. 

Title:  The  author  and  his  date  (i.  i). 

I.  Judgment  upon  Samaria  and  Judah— Salvation  of  a  Rem¬ 
nant  (i.  2  to  2.  13) 

1.  Judgment  upon  Samaria  and  Judah  (1.  2-16). 

(1)  Message  of  judgment  (1.  2-7). 

(2)  Lament  over  the  devastation  of  Judah  (1.  8-16). 

2.  Causes  of  the  impending  judgment  (2.  1-11). 

(1)  Woe  upon  the  arrogant  nobles  (2.  1-4). 

(2)  Futile  attempts  to  silence  the  prophet  (2.  5-1 1 ) . 

3.  Return  of  a  purified  remnant  (2.  12,  13). 

II.  Contrast  Between  the  Present  Devastation  and  the  Future 

Exaltation  (3.  1  to  5.  15) 

1.  Present  corruption  (3.  1-12). 

(1)  Outrages  committed  by  civil  rulers  (3.  1-4). 

(2)  Condemnation  of  the  mercenary  prophets  (3.  5-8). 

(3)  Renewed  condemnation  of  the  nation’s  political  and  reli¬ 

gious  leaders  (3.  9-12). 

472 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


2.  The  Messianic  outlook  (4.  1  to  5.  15). 

(1)  Zion  the  center  of  the  universal  religion  of  the  future  (4, 

i-5). 

(2)  Restoration  and  healing  of  the  dispersed  (4.  6-8). 

(3)  Distress  and  subsequent  redemption  (4.  9,  10). 

(4)  Deliverance  of  Jerusalem — destruction  of  the  enemy  (4. 

n-13). 

(5)  The  Messiah  and  the  Messianic  era  (5.  1-15). 

a.  The  Messiah’s  birth  and  reign  (5.  i-5a). 

b.  Supremacy  over  Assyria  (5.  5b-6). 

c.  The  restored  nation’s  attitude  toward  other  nations 

(5-  7-9). 

d.  Divine  achievements  for  the  benefit  of  the  redeemed 

remnant  (5.  10-15). 

III.  Yahweh  and  Israel  in  Controversy — The  Ultimate 

Settlement  (6.  1  to  7.  20) 

1.  Yahweh’s  complaint  against  Israel’s  ingratitude  and  neglect  (6. 

i-5). 

2.  The  people’s  plea  of  ignorance  (6.  6,  7). 

3.  The  divine  demand  (6.  8). 

4.  Denunciation  of  prevalent  crimes  (6.  9-16). 

5.  Hopelessness  of  the  nation’s  condition  (7.  1-6). 

6.  Utterances  dealing  with  the  ultimate  settlement  of  the  contro¬ 

versy  (7.  7-20). 

(1)  Confidence  of  the  penitent  community  (7.  7-10). 

(2)  Yahweh’s  promise  of  a  glorious  restoration  (7.  11-13). 

(3)  The  prophet’s  prayer  for  the  fulfillment  of  this  promise 

(7.  14-U). 

(4)  Doxology:  Ascription  of  praise  to  Yahweh,  who  alone  is 

God  (7.  18-20). 

Integrity  of  the  book.  Until  near  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century  the  testimony  of  the  title  ascribing  the 
entire  book  to  the  prophet  Micah,  living  during  the 
latter  part  of  the  eighth  century  b.  c.,  was  accepted  with¬ 
out  question;  and  even  now  there  are  scholars  who, 
though  admitting  the  presence  of  almost  insoluble  diffi¬ 
culties  and  problems,  continue  to  defend  the  unity  of  the 
book,  with  the  possible  exception  of  a  few  minor  addi- 

473 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


tions.7  Most  modern  commentators,  however,  following 
in  the  footsteps  of  Ewald,  deny  more  or  less  extensive 
portions  of  the  book  to  the  eighth-century  prophet.8  Four 
recent  writers  may  be  quoted  as  representatives  of  mod¬ 
ern  critical  opinion.  Cheyne  declares :  “One  result  is  that 
in  no  part  of  chapters  4  to  7  can  we  venture  to  detect 
the  hand  of  Micah.  What  the  real  Micah  was  must  be 
learned  from  chapters  1  to  3,  which  are  mostly  genuine.”9 
Nowack  is  slightly  more  conservative.  He  unhesitatingly 

7  J.  Hal6vy,  an  ardent  defender  of  the  unity  of  the  book,  expresses  his 
estimate  of  the  present  condition  of  the  text  in  these  words:  “The  book 
of  Micah  has  reached  us  in  a  critical  state  even  worse  than  that  of  the 
books  of  Hosea  and  Amos.  To  say  nothing  of  internal  corruptions  of 
words,  many  verses,  and  even  groups  of  verses  have  been  tom  from  the 
context  and  inserted  haphazard  in  passages  which  have  no  sort  of 
suitable  connection  with  their  subject  matter”  ( Revue  Semitique , 
XIII,  2.) 

8  Ewald  assigned  chapters  6,  7  to  the  days  of  Manasseh.  He  denied 
the  two  chapters  to  Micah  on  the  following  grounds:  (1)  chapters  1  to 
5  are  complete  in  themselves;  (2)  the  style  is  different:  (3)  the  artistic 
form  is  different ;  (4)  the  historical  background  is  different.  For  a  time 
he  denied  also  chapters  4,  5  to  Micah,  but  later  returned  to  a  defense  of 
Micah ’s  authorship  of  the  two  chapters. 

9  Encyclopedia  Biblica,  article,  “Micah.”  In  chapters  1  to  3  Cheyne  is 
inclined  to  question  1.  10-15;  2-  5>  I0 *>  I2>  T35  3*  2E  3b.  The  first  scholar 

to  question  the  whole  of  chapters  4,  5  was  Stade  (Zeitschrift  fuer  Alttes- 

tamentliche  Wissenschaft,  I,  pp.  161-172),  on  the  following  grounds: 

(1)  Micah  would  not  have  weakened  the  message  of  chapters  1  to  3  by 
adding  one  of  entirely  different  import;  (2)  chapters  1  to  3  remind  one 
of  Isaiah,  chapters  4,  5  of  Deutero-Isaiah,  Joel  and  Zech.  12  to  14;  (3) 
chapters  4,  5  reflect  postexilic  conditions;  (4)  inconsistency  and  lack 
of  connection  within  the  chapters  point  to  composite  origin.  Following 
Ewald,  Wellhausen  was  the  first  to  carry  further  the  critical  study  of 
chapters  6,  7.  He  agreed  with  Ewald  in  assigning  6.  1  to  7.  6  to  the  reign 
of  Manasseh,  but  expressed,  chiefly  on  the  basis  of  a  difference  in 
historical  situation,  the  conviction  that  7.  7-20  was  added  after  the 
exile.  In  its  general  position  this  view  has  the  support  of  many  recent 
writers,  but  in  details  there  is  the  widest  possible  divergence  of  opinion. 
For  a  clear  and  comprehensive  survey  of  the  history  of  the  criticism 
of  the  book  of  Micah  see  J.  M.  P.  Smith,  Micah ,  pp.  8-16. 

474 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


ascribes  to  Micah  chapters  I  to  3,  with  the  possible  excep¬ 
tion  of  2.  12,  13;  but  is  more  skeptical  regarding  chap¬ 
ters  4  and  5 :  “If  there  are  any  words  of  Micah  at  all 
in  chapters  4,  5,  these  can  include  no  more  than  4.  9, 
10,  14;  5.  9-13.”  The  next  section,  6.  1  to  7.  6,  he 
thinks,  “might,  so  far  as  their  contents  are  concerned, 
proceed  from  Micah,  .  .  .  but  not  only  the  tenderness 
of  feeling  exhibited  in  6.  iff.,  but  also  the  dramatic  and 
exceedingly  animated  descriptions,  make  the  composition 
of  this  section  by  Micah  very  improbable.”  Of  7.  7-20 
he  says  emphatically  that  the  verses  “cannot  possibly  be 
attributed  to  Micah.”10  Marti  assigns  to  the  eighth  cen¬ 
tury  Micah  only  1.  5b,  6,  8,  9,  16;  2.  1-3,  4,  6-1 1 ;  3.  1, 
2a,  3a,  4,  5a,  2b,  5b-8,  9,  10.  These  passages,  he  thinks, 
were  arranged  by  Micah  himself  in  the  order  given, 
which  collection  constituted  the  Micah  book  known  in 
the  days  of  Jeremiah.* 11  The  elements  not  coming  from 
Micah,  he  considers  a  conglomerate  of  material  from  a 
variety  of  sources,  all  of  them  postexilic,  chapter  7 
originating  as  late  as  the  second  century.12  J.  M.  P. 

10  Die  Kleinen  Propheten,  pp.  187,  188.  He  assigns  all  the  secondary 
elements  to  postexilic  times,  admitting,  however,  that  the  exact  dates 
are  not  easily  determined. 

11  Jer.  26.  18,  19. 

12  Das  Dodekapropheton ,  pp.  262-264.  Marti  who  goes  beyond  his 
predecessors  in  denying  material  to  Micah  distinguishes  three  stages  in 
the  growth  of  the  book:  (1)  The  original  Micah  book,  containing  the 
verses  enumerated  above,  composed  by  Micah  himself  and  known  in  the 
days  of  Jeremiah;  (2)  the  Micah  book  of  the  fifth  century,  which  con¬ 
tained,  in  addition  to  the  preceding,  4.  1-4,  5;  6.  6-8;  (3)  the  Micah  book 
of  the  second  century,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  later  glosses  and  other 
minor  additions,  practically  identical  with  the  present  book.  Haupt 
has  gone  even  beyond  Marti  in  his  criticism  of  the  book.  He,  like  many 
of  his  predecessors,  denies  the  whole  of  chapters  4  to  7  to  the  eighth- 
century  Micah,  but  reveals  much  more  confidence  than  they  in  assigning 
separate  utterances  to  specific  dates.  All  of  the  utterances  in  chapters 

475 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


Smith  sums  up  his  position  regarding  chapters  4,  5  in 
these  sentences :  “The  arguments  of  Stade  against 
Micah’ s  authorship  seem  irrefutable,  except  possibly  in 
the  case  of  4.  14;  5.  9-12.  .  .  .  Furthermore,  .  .  . 
it  is  impossible  to  regard  the  chapters  as  a  unit  in  them¬ 
selves  ;  the  attitude  toward  the  heathen  world,  for 
example,  is  wholly  different  in  4.  12,  13  from  that  in  4. 
1-4,  nor  is  the  view  of  the  Messianic  age  in  5.  4,  5  con¬ 
sistent  with  that  in  5.  1-3.  But  Stade’s  division  of  the 
material  between  two  sources  cannot  stand.  Glosses  are 
represented  by  4.  4,  5;  5.  2,  13,  14;  4.  1-4  stands 
alone;  4.  11-13  and  5.  6-8  reflect  the  same  background 
and  breathe  the  same  spirit ;  the  remaining  sections 
have  no  close  affinity  with  any  of  the  preceding  or 
with  one  another.  The  chapters  thus  seem  to  contain  a 
miscellaneous  collection  of  fragments  gathered  up  from 
various  sources,  and  having  little  in  common  other  than 
a  hopeful  outlook  for  the  future/’13  The  same  writer 
states  his  conclusions  regarding  chapters  6  and  7  in  these 
words :  “There  is  no  logical  unity  within  chapters  6  and 
7;  they  resolve  themselves  into  seven  sections,  no  one  of 
which  connects  closely  with  either  its  preceding  or  its 
following  sections.  The  possibility  of  Micah’s  author¬ 
ship  remains  open  for  6.  9-16  and  7.  1-6,  but  is  wholly 
excluded  for  the  remainder.  These  two  sections,  to¬ 
gether  with  6.  1-5,  might  be  placed  in  any  period  of 
Hebrew  history  subsequent  to  the  appearance  of  the 
great  prophets.  6.  6-8  seems  to  reflect  the  wisdom  of  the 

4  to  7  are  assigned  to  the  Maccabean  age,  that  is  to  the  period  between 
170  and  100  B.  C.;  1.  2-7  is  connected  with  the  destruction  of  Samaria 
by  John  Hyrcanus,  in  107  B.  C.  Haupt  assigns  to  Micah  only  33K 
lines  in  chapters  1  to  3.  ( American  Journal  of  Semitic  Languages  and 

Literatures ,  xxvi,  pp.  201-252;  xxvii,  pp.  1-63). 

1S  Micah,  p.  12. 


476 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


sages  and  to  belong  in  the  earlier  half  of  the  postexilic 
age.  7-  7~ 10  and  7.  14-20  come  apparently  both  out  of 
the  same  conditions;  Israel  is  suffering  but  hoping,  look¬ 
ing  back  with  longing  upon  the  good  old  days  and  pray¬ 
ing  for  vengeance;  they  are  best  located  in  the  later 
postexilic  period,  after  the  work  of  Nehemiah  and  Ezra. 
7.  11-13,  however,  is  wholly  detached  from  its  context 
and  is  to  be  explained  as  coming  from  the  period  after 
the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  but  before  the  rebuilding  of  the 
city  walls.  The  two  chapters  thus  seem  to  be  a  collec¬ 
tion  of  miscellaneous  fragments,  coming  from  widely 
scattered  periods  and  from  at  least  four  different 
authors.”14 

Leaving  aside,  then,  some  minor  passages  in  chapters 
1  to  3,  which  can  be  discussed  only  in  connection  with 
a  detailed  exegetical  study,15  an  inquiry  into  the  integrity 
of  the  book  of  Micah  must  give  special  attention  to  2.  12, 
13,  chapters  4  and  5,  and  chapters  6  and  7.  In  other 
words,  only  1.  2  to  2.  11  and  3.  1-12  are  by  the  majority 
of  recent  scholars  admitted  to  have  been  delivered  by  the 
eighth  century  Micah;  and,  as  has  been  pointed  out, 
within  these  three  chapters  some  scholars  are  inclined  to 
question  a  number  of  verses. 

The  promise  in  2.  12,  13  transposes  the  reader  abruptly 
from  the  present  corruption,  facing  imminent  doom,  to 
the  future,  when  a  remnant  of  the  people  carried  into 
exile  will  be  restored.  Because  of  the  abruptness  of 
transition  from  verse  11  to  verse  12,  the  relation  of 
verses  12,  13  to  their  context  has  long  been  a  subject  of 
discussion.  (1)  Some  of  the  church  fathers  and 

14  Micak ,  pp.  15,  16. 

J6  See  especially,  J.  M.  P.  Smith,  Micah  and  K.  Marti  Das 
DodekaprophetoH, 


477 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


mediaeval  writers  explained  the  verses  as  a  continuation 
of  the  threat  in  verse  io,  by  interpreting  the  verbs 
“assemble”  and  “gather”  as  referring  to  a  bringing  to¬ 
gether  for  destruction.  There  is  nothing  in  the  verses 
to  warrant  this  interpretation.  (2)  Several  scholars 
have  held  that  the  two  verses  embody  the  teaching  not 
of  Micah  himself  but  of  false  prophets  whom  he  sought 
to  combat.16  This  view  also  is  open  to  serious  objec¬ 
tions  :  a.  The  restoration  of  a  remnant  from  exile  implies 
a  carrying  into  exile,  the  very  thing  the  false  prophets 
persistently  deny.  b.  Verse  12  represents  Yahweh  as  the 
speaker;  would  Micah  introduce  Yahweh  as  speaking 
through  the  false  prophets,  whom  he  condemns  so 
severely?  c .  After  all,  the  prophecy  is  a  true  prophecy, 
found,  in  essence,  in  most  of  the  prophetic  books.  Is  it 
probable  that  Micah  would  put  a  true  prophecy  into  the 
mouth  of  a  false  prophet?  (3)  Recent  writers,  with  few 
exceptions,  consider  the  verses  a  later  addition,  of  exilic 
or  postexilic  origin.  The  evidence,  which  to  J.  M.  P. 
Smith  “seems  convincing,”  is  summed  up  by  him  in  these 
words :  “The  total  lack  of  connection  and  the  presupposi¬ 
tion  of  the  exile  and  the  dispersion ;  the  lack  of  any  moral 
or  religious  prerequisites  on  Israel’s  part  to  the  restora¬ 
tion  of  Yahweh’s  favor;  the  use  of  “remnant”  to 
designate  returning  exiles ;  and  the  parallelism  in  phrase¬ 
ology  and  conception  to  late  passages17  all  combine  to 
mark  the  passage  as  late.”18  It  must  be  admitted  that 


18  Some  interpret  the  words  as  spoken  by  Micah  himself,  continuing 
the  thought  of  verse  1 1 ;  others  regard  it  as  a  marginal  note  by  Micah  or 
an  early  reader  representing  the  contents  of  a  false  prophecy ;  still  others 
as  an  interruption  of  Micah’s  prophecy  by  false  prophets  themselves. 

17  For  instance,  Hos.  2.  2  (Hebr.);  Isa.  11.  1  iff. ;  52.  12;  Jer.  31.  8. 

18  Micah ,  p.  67. 


478 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


the  omission  of  verses  12,  13  would  make  the  thought 
run  more  smoothly;  and  yet  those  who  maintain  the 
authorship  of  Micah  are  not  without  support  for  their 
contention:  a.  While  on  the  surface  the  transition  from 
verse  11  to  verse  12  appears  abrupt,  there  is  a  funda¬ 
mental  logical  connection  between  the  two  verses :  The 
people  are  ready  to  turn  to  a  prophet  who  promises 
pleasant  things.19  This  Micah  cannot  do;  nevertheless, 
his  message  is  not  one  of  unmitigated  doom;  he  too  has 
salvation  to  proclaim,  though  not  for  the  immediate 
future  or  for  all.  Severe  judgment  is  all  he  sees  ahead  of 
him :  all  must  be  banished  from  the  land.  In  exile  the 
corrupt  will  be  annihilated,  but  the  loyal  remnant,  puri¬ 
fied  through  suffering,  will  be  assembled  again  by  Yah- 
weh,  who  will  redeem  it  and  restore  it  to  its  old  home.20 
b.  The  objection  based  upon  the  alleged  interruption  in 
thought  between  2.  11  and  3.  1  vanishes  if  chapter  3  is 
taken  as  the  beginning  of  a  new  section  rather  than  as 
the  continuation  of  chapter  2. 21  c.  If  the  claim  that  the 
verses  presuppose  the  exile  as  already  present  could  be 
established,  the  promise  would  have  to  be  assigned  to  the 
exilic  or  postexilic  period,  but  is  the  exile  presupposed  as 
an  actual  fact?  The  modern  tendency  which  rejects  as 
exilic  or  postexilic  interpolations  all  promises  of  restora¬ 
tion  in  preexilic  prophecies  is  not  well  founded.22  It 
seems  almost  unthinkable  that  the  prophets,  with  their 


19  Compare  verse  11. 

20  It  is  not  even  necessary  to  suppose  that  Samaria  had  fallen  between 
the  time  when  2.  11  was  uttered  and  the  time  when  the  promise  in  2. 
12,13  was  spoken;  the  prophet  simply  looks  beyond  the  exile  threatened 
in  2.  3,  4. 

21  For  the  preferable  arrangement  see  above,  p.  471. 

22  For  a  fuller  discussion  of  this  question,  see  vol.  I,  pp.  13 7- 139,  and 
above,  p.  360. 


479 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


lofty  conception  of  Yahweh,  should  leave  the  nation — 
good  and  bad  alike — in  the  despair  of  exile,  d.  The 
linguistic  argument  is  always  precarious,  and,  in  this 
particular  case,  far  from  convincing.  There  is  nothing 
in  the  vocabulary,  including  the  term  “remnant,”  or  in 
the  style  that  points  positively  to  a  late  date,  and  the 
parallelisms  with  expressions  in  the  passages  referred  to 
are  not  of  a  nature  to  prove  that  the  Micah  passage 
originated  at  the  same  time.  e.  The  claim  that  there  is  a 
lack  of  moral  or  religious  prerequisites  can  be  maintained 
only  by  separating  the  verses  from  their  context.  If  they 
are  allowed  to  remain  in  their  present  position,  the  verses 
preceding  furnish  the  ethical  note. 

(4)  Some  scholars,  not  convinced  by  the  arguments 
against  Micah’s  authorship,  but  impressed  by  the  loose¬ 
ness  of  connection  with  the  context,  have  thought  that 
the  verses,  while  coming  from  Micah,  are  not  now  in 
their  original  position.  “The  entire  context,”  says  one 
writer,  “leads  me  to  expect  after  verse  1 1  a  return  to  and 
repetition  of  the  threat  of  punishment,  and  there  can  be 
no  question  that  the  contrast  between  2.  11  and  3.  1  is 
greatly  weakened  by  these  two  verses.  To  deny  them 
to  Micah  we  have  no  reason,  but  it  is  possible  that  they 
may  have  been  transposed  from  another  context.  Their 
original  place  might  have  been  after  4.  8,  preparing  the 
way  for  chapter  5,  but  separated  from  it  by  4.  9-14,  which 
verses  look  back  to  the  present.”  The  present  writer 
hesitates  to  speak  dogmatically ;  but  it  seems  to  him  ( 1 ) 
that  there  is  nothing  in  the  contents  of  the  verses  to  point 
conclusively  to  a  late  date,  and  (2)  that  most  of  the  diffi¬ 
culties  vanish  if  we  keep  in  mind  that  the  present  book  of 
Micah  consists  of  a  considerable  number  of  brief  notes 
or  summaries  of  the  prophet’s  discourses  delivered  during 

480 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


his  entire  prophetic  career,  and  brought  together  on  the 
basis  of  principles  not  now  clearly  discernible. 

Chapters  4  and  5,  with  the  possible  exception  of  a 
few  verses,  have  been  denied  to  Micah  chiefly  on  two 
grounds:  (1)  the  “strange”  and  “frequent”  juxtaposi¬ 
tion  of  Messianic  hopes  and  announcements  of  judgment 
is  said  to  weaken  the  message  of  the  prophet;  hence,  he 
cannot  be  held  responsible  for  it.  (2)  It  is  pointed  out 
that  mutually  exclusive  views  present  themselves  in  these 
chapters,23  that  in  several  instances  a  connection  can  be 
established  only  by  artificial  or  forced  means,24  that  in 
these  chapters  ideas  find  expression  which  were  not  cur¬ 
rent  until  after  the  time  of  Micah,25  and  that  certain 
relationships  are  presupposed  which  are  foreign  to 
Micah’s  era.26 

An  adequate,  detailed  consideration  of  the  problems 
raised  by  the  utterances  in  the  two  chapters  would  require 
more  space  than  is  available  in  a  work  of  this  kind;  con¬ 
sequently,  nothing  more  than  a  general  discussion  is  pos¬ 
sible  here.27  The  first  objection  is  raised  also  against  all 
similar  passages  in  other  prophetic  books;28  but  as  soon 
as  we  admit  that  the  preexilic  prophets  entertained  hopes 
of  the  preservation  of  a  remnant,  the  difficulty  vanishes 
almost  completely;  for  the  promises  are  held  out,  not  to 
the  entire  people,  but  to  this  remnant.  If  the  doctrine 
of  the  remnant  cannot  be  removed  from  the  utterances  of 


23  Compare  4.  6-8  with  4.  9,  10;  4.  n-13  with  5.  1;  5.  2-4  with  5.  5®. 

24  Compare  4.  4  with  4.  5;  4.  8  with  4.  9,  10;  4.  11-13  with  5.  1-4. 

26  Compare  4.  11-13  with  Ezek.  38,  39. 

26  For  example,  4.  6-8;  5.  iff. 

27  For  a  detailed  discussion  of  the  commonly  accepted  view  see 
especially  the  commentaries  by  Nowack,  Marti,  and  Smith;  for  the  view 
here  set  forth  the  present  writer's  commentary  on  the  Minor  Prophets. 

28  See  vol.  I,  pp.  137-139- 


481 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


the  other  eighth-century  prophets,  why  may  it  not  have 
been  an  element  in  Micah’s  religious  thinking?  But  if 
Micah  accepted  the  doctrine,  the  presence  of  these  ideal 
pictures  of  the  future  in  his  utterances  cannot  appear 
strange ;  on  the  contrary,  it  would  be  more  surprising  not 
to  find  them.  When  it  is  further  borne  in  mind  that  the 
two  chapters  are  a  collection  of  short  oracles,  all  dealing 
with  the  same  subject,  namely,  the  Messianic  outlook,  but 
not  coming  from  the  same  period  of  the  prophet’s  ac¬ 
tivity,  and  describing  the  ideal  future  and  the  events  lead¬ 
ing  up  to  it  from  different  points  of  view,  suggested  by 
the  ever-changing  historical  background,  the  first  objec¬ 
tion  loses  practically  all  its  force.  The  second  objection, 
or  series  of  objections,  would  have  considerable  weight 
if  it  were  necessary  to  take  chapters  4  and  5  as  contain¬ 
ing  one  continuous  discourse,  delivered  at  one  and  the 
same  time;  but  as  soon  as  it  is  recognized  that  the  chap¬ 
ters  are  made  up  of  many  oracles,  delivered  at  different 
times,  in  different  circumstances,  growing  out  of  different 
historical  situations,  the  objections  lose  their  force,  unless 
it  can  be  shown  that  individual  oracles  reveal  linguistic, 
historical,  or  religious  features  that  militate  against  belief 
in  Micah’s  authorship.  Some  believe  such  evidence  is 
found;  to  the  present  writer,  however,  it  seems  that  the 
arguments  stressed  by  recent  writers  lose  their  alleged 
conclusiveness  when  the  individual  utterances  are 
properly  interpreted.29 

In  the  discussion  of  chapters  6  and  7  at  least  two 

29  For  details  see  the  author’s  commentary  on  the  Minor  Prophets, 
pp.  396ff.  Steuernagel  differentiates  within  the  two  chapters  (1)  the 
sections  containing  threats,  which  he  assigns  to  Micah,  and  (2)  the 
sections  containing  promises  which,  with  the  possible  exception  of  5. 
1,  3  and  4,  5  (Hebr.)  he  regards  as  later  additions  ( Emleitung ,  pp.  626, 
627). 


482 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


divisions  must  be  recognized,  6.  I  to  7.  6  and  7.  7-20.30 
As  has  been  pointed  out,  some  recent  writers  deny  the 
two  chapters  in  their  entirety  to  Micah,  while  others  are 
ready  to  recognize  at  least  the  possibility  of  retaining 
parts  of  6.  1  to  7.  6  as  the  work  of  Micah  or  of  an 
eighth-century  contemporary.31  The  objections  to  6.  1 
to  7.  6  in  whole  or  in  part  are  based  chiefly  on  differ¬ 
ences  in  style  and  greater  intensity  of  emotion.  But  these 
differences  are  by  no  means  so  marked  as  to  exclude 
unity  of  authorship.  True,  the  conditions  reflected  in 
these  verses  are  not  the  same  as  those  presupposed  in 
chapters  1  to  3,  but  if  the  testimony  of  the  title  in  1. 
1  can  at  all  be  relied  upon  the  prophet  lived  through  a 
period  during  which  political  as  well  as  moral  and  social 
changes  were  frequent.  If  we  assume  that  the  utterances 
in  6.  1  to  7.  6  come  from  a  time  when  corruption  was 
especially  widespread,  the  depth  of  feeling  is  easily  ac¬ 
counted  for;  the  more  intense  feeling  would  inspire  more 
earnest  and  passionate  appeals,  which,  in  turn,  would  in¬ 
fluence  language  and  style. 

Most  writers  who  advocate  the  genuineness  of  6.  1  to 
7.  6  follow  Ewald  in  assigning  the  verses  to  the  dark 
reign  of  Manasseh;  but  such  a  late  date  is  by  no  means 
certain.  Steuernagel  is  inclined  to  throw  the  utterance 
back  into  the  eighth  century,  and  Kirkpatrick  may  be 
right  in  saying:  “Chapter  6,  at  any  rate,  is  a  piece  of 

30  Each  of  the  two  sections  may  be  subdivided  into  smaller  fragments; 
but  the  process  of  disintegration  has  been  carried  to  extremes  by  some 
modem  writers. 

31  Nowack  admits  that  so  far  as  contents  are  concerned  the  whole  of 
6.  1  to  7.  6  might  have  proceeded  from  Micah;  J.  M.  P.  Smith  admits  the 
possibility  of  Micah’s  authorship  for  6.  9-16  and  7.  1-6;  Steuernagel  can 
see  no  good  reason  for  denying  any  part  of  6.  I  to  7.  6  to  the  eighth- 
century  prophet. 


483 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


public  preaching  which  is  more  likely  to  belong  to  the 
time  of  Ahaz  than  to  that  of  Manasseh,  when  the  true 
prophets  were  silenced.”32  A  few  comparisons  will  show 
that  the  reign  of  Ahaz  furnishes  a  most  suitable  occasion : 
Ahaz  was  inclined  toward  the  worship  of  foreign 
deities;33  the  complaint  of  Yahweh  in  6.  iff.  implies  that 
the  people  were  forsaking  him.  Ahaz  caused  his  son  to 
pass  through  the  fire,34  which  incident  may  be  reflected 
in  6.  7.  Ahaz  walked  “in  the  ways  of  the  kings  of 
Israel”;35  6.  17  complains:  “The  statutes  of  Omri  are 
kept,  and  all  the  works  of  the  house  of  Ahab,  and  ye  walk 
in  their  counsels,”36 

Modern  opinion  regarding  the  origin  of  7.  7-20  is 
practically  unanimous  in  favor  of  a  late  date.  Well- 
hausen  says :  “Between  7.  6  and  7.  7  there  yawns  a  cen¬ 
tury.”  Nowack  is  equally  emphatic:  “7.  7ff.  cannot  pos¬ 
sibly  be  attributed  to  Micah.”  Marti,  following  Stade’s 
suggestion,  divides  7.  7-20  into  two  sections,  7-13,  18b, 
19a,  and  1 4- 1 8a,  19b,  20  and  assigns  both  sections  to 
the  second  century  b.  c.  J.  M.  P.  Smith  dates  7.  7-10 
and  14-20  after  the  work  of  Nehemiah  and  Ezra,  and  7. 
11-13  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  but  before  the  rebuild¬ 
ing  of  the  walls.  G.  A.  Smith,  on  the  whole  more  con¬ 
servative  than  the  other  scholars  named,  calls  7.  7-20 
“a  canto  of  several  fragments,  from  periods  far  apart  in 
the  history  of  Israel.” 

32  Doctrine  of  the  Prophets ,  p.  234. 

82  2  Kings  16.  1  off. 

34  2  Kings  16.  3. 

36  2  Kings  16.  3. 

36  To  the  reign  of  Jotham,  only  a  year  or  two  before  Ahaz’  accession 
belong  the  prophecies  in  Isa.  2  to  5  (see  vol.  I,  pp.  190,  191);  and 
it  may  be  of  interest  to  compare  Mic.  7.  1-6  with  Isa.  3.  1-15;  especially 
Mic.  7.  5,  6  with  Isa.  3.  5;  compare  also  Mic.  7.  4  with  Isa.  10.  3. 

484 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


The  arguments  in  favor  of  a  late  date  are:  (i)  The 
difference  in  the  historical  situation — Zion  is  fallen,37  it 
bears  the  indignation  of  Yahweh,38  its  walls  are  broken 
down,39  its  inhabitants  are  scattered.40  Beyond  the 
present  distress  the  speaker  sees  a  glorious  restoration — 
the  divine  favor  will  be  restored,41  the  walls  will  be  re¬ 
built,42  the  exiles  will  be  brought  back  from  the  ends  of 
the  earth.43  Of  significance  also  is  the  contrast  be¬ 
tween  the  moral  and  spiritual  condition  of  the  people  de¬ 
scribed  in  verses  1-6  and  the  humility  and  confidence  ex¬ 
pressed  in  the  succeeding  verses.  True,  the  picture  of 
distress  accompanied  by  an  expectation  of  restoration 
and  exaltation  does  not  necessarily  point  to  the  actual 
presence  of  the  calamity;44  but  in  this  case  the  details  of 
the  description  and  the  particular  expressions  used  favor 
an  exilic  or  postexilic  date.45  (2)  Though  in  most 
instances  the  argument  from  style  carries  little  weight,  in 
this  case  it  is  not  without  significance.  Even  the  reader 
of  the  English  translation  is  impressed  by  the  marked 
differences  as  he  passes  from  7.  6  to  7.  7ff.  Of  course 
a  change  in  style  might  be  expected  when  an  author 
passes  from  exhortation  to  supplication  or  praise;  but 


87  Verse  8. 

88  Verse  9 

89  Verse  11. 

40  Verse  12 

41  Verse  9. 

42  Verse  11. 

43  Verse  12. 

44  See  above,  p.  484. 

48  From  verse  12  it  has  been  inferred  that  when  the  words  were  spoken 
Assyria  was  the  world  power,  and  in  verse  14  has  been  seen  an  allusion 
to  the  ravaging  of  the  territory  north  of  Esdraelon  and  east  of  the 
Jordan  in  734  B,  C.  by  Tiglath-pileser  IV ;  but  the  references  are  not 
sufficiently  specific  to  be  conclusive. 

485 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


the  more  closely  one  studies  7.  7-20,  the  stronger  becomes 
the  impression  that  the  differences  in  style  are  too  great 
to  be  compatible  with  unity  of  authorship,  and  the  firmer 
becomes  the  conviction  that  either  Micah  was  a  man  of 
peculiarly  vivid  imagination,  of  unusual  poetic  genius, 
and  wonderful  dramatic  power  or  the  verses  cannot  come 
from  him.  On  the  whole,  the  evidence  against  the 
originality  of  7.  7-20  seems  more  conclusive  than  in  the 
case  of  any  other  part  of  the  book;  probably  the  section 
consists  of  three  originally  independent  fragments,46  all 
of  them  of  exilic  or  postexilic  origin. 

On  the  basis  of  the  preceding  discussion  the  present 
writer  believes  the  following  conclusions  to  be  warranted  : 
(1)  There  is  insufficient  reason  for  questioning  Micah’s 
authorship47  of  1.  2-16;  2.  1-11;  3.  1-12;  4.  9,  10;  5.  1, 
10-14.  (2)  Though  the  arguments  are  less  conclusive, 

there  is  much  to  be  said  in  favor  of  retaining  for  the 
eighth-century  prophet  the  following  passages,  aside  from 
minor  modifications  and  expansions,  2.  12,  13;  the  re¬ 
maining  portions  of  chapters  4  and  5  ;48  6.  1  to  7.  6. 
(3)  The  closing  section,  7.  7-20,  does  not  come  from 
Micah;  it  may  be,  in  the  language  of  G.  A.  Smith,  “a 
canto  of  several  fragments,  from  periods  far  apart  in  the 
history  of  Israel.”49 

Life  and  Times  of  Micah.  Of  the  family  of  Micah 

46  Verses  7-10, 11-13,  and  14-20. 

47  This  does  not  exclude  the  possibility  of  minor  alterations  having 
been  made  when  the  various  fragments  were  collected  into  the  present 
book. 

48  For  a  more  detailed  discussion  of  4.  1-5,  the  greater  part  of  which  is 
found  also  in  Isa.  2.  2-4  +  5,  see  vol.  I,  pp.  129-132. 

49  Various  efforts  have  been  made  to  trace  in  detail  the  literary  history 
of  the  book,  but  in  view  of  the  uncertainty  concerning  the  origin  of 
individual  sections,  the  conclusions  must  be  regarded  as  more  or  less 
arbitrary. 


486 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


nothing  is  known;  the  omission  of  the  father’s  name  may 
be  an  indication  of  humble  parentage.  In  i.  i  the  proph¬ 
et  is  called  the  “Morashtite,”  that  is,  an  inhabitant  of 
Moresheth,  which  may  be  identical  with  Moresheth-gath 
in  i.  14.50  The  exact  location  of  this  village  is  not  yet 
determined,  though  a  location  near  the  Philistine  city  of 
Gath  is  suggested  by  the  name  given  in  1.  14. 51  The 
only  passage  outside  of  the  book  of  Micah  making  men¬ 
tion  of  the  prophet  is  Jer.  26.  18,  19;  from  which  it 
appears  that  Micah  was,  at  least  in  part,  responsible  for 
the  reformation  under  Hezekiah.  Of  the  later  life  of 
Micah  nothing  is  known.  Some  think  that  his  activity 
continued  into  the  dark  reign  of  Manasseh,52  when  he 
may  have  suffered  a  martyr’s  death. 

The  exact  time  and  duration  of  Micah’s  prophetic 
activity  are  not  easily  fixed.  According  to  the  title  in 
1.  1,  added  by  the  collector  of  the  Minor  Prophets,  Micah 
was  active  during  the  reigns  of  Jotham,  Ahaz,  and 
Hezekiah,  that  is,  between  about  740  and  700  b.  c.  That 
Micah  prophesied  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah  is  affirmed 
also  in  Jer.  26.  18,  19,  where  Mic.  3.  12  is  quoted.  The 
words  quoted  are  so  closely  connected  with  the  preceding 
verses  that  verse  12  undoubtedly  carries  with  it  the  rest 
of  chapter  3;  moreover,  certain  striking  similarities  be¬ 
tween  the  latter  and  chapters  1,  2  place  it  beyond  doubt 
that  the  substance  of  the  three  chapters  reflects  the  same 
general  period.  Furthermore,  internal  evidence,  for 

60  The  name  of  the  home  town  may  have  been  added  to  distinguish 
the  eighth-century  Micah  from  an  older  prophet  Micaiah  (1  Kings 
22.  8ff.),  and  from  the  numerous  other  persons  bearing  the  same  name. 

61  Jerome  refers  to  it  as  a  small  village  near  Eleutheropolis,  about 
twenty-five  miles  southwest  of  Jerusalem,  in  the  lowlands  of  Judah, 
near  the  Philistine  border. 

62  See  above,  pp.  483,  484. 


487 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


instance,  i.  6,  suggests  that  the  opening  verses  belong  to 
the  years  immediately  preceding  or  following  the  fall  of 
Samaria,  in  722  b.  c.  If  the  capital  of  the  northern  king¬ 
dom  fell  in  the  sixth  year  of  Hezekiah,53  internal  evi¬ 
dence  would  seem  to  support  the  testimony  of  the  title 
and  of  Jer.  26.  18,  19,  that  Micah  prophesied  in  the  days 
of  Hezekiah.  There  is  less  evidence  to  show  that  he 
prophesied  during  the  reigns  of  Jotham  and  Ahaz.54 

The  political,  social,  moral,  and  religious  conditions 
in  Judah  during  the  prophetic  career  of  Micah  were 
essentially  the  same  as  the  conditions  reflected  in  the 
prophecies  of  his  older  contemporary  Isaiah.55  Of  the 
two  prophets  Isaiah  views  the  situation  from  the  stand- 

63  2  Kings  18.  10.  The  chronology  of  Judah  during  the  latter  part 
of  the  eighth  century  b.  c.  is  very  obscure.  If  we  follow  2  Kings 
18.  9,  10  Hezekiah  began  to  reign  about  728;  if,  on  the  other  hand,  we 
follow  2  Kings  18.  13  (see  vol.  I,  p.  188),  his  reign  must  have  begun 
about  715  b.  c.  There  is  no  indication  of  a  coregency,  and  apparently 
the  two  statements  are  irreconcilable.  Accepting  the  earlier  dates,  we 
may  tentatively  date  the  three  rulers  named  in  the  title  as  follows: 
Jotham,  740-735,  Ahaz,  735-728,  Hezekiah,  728-697.  (See  further, 
Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  article,  “Chronology.”) 

54  Unless  we  assume,  what  is  quite  possible  (see  preceding  note),  that 
Hezekiah  did  not  come  to  the  throne  until  715,  or,  that  6.  1  to  7.  6  come 
from  the  reign  of  Ahaz  (see  above,  p.  484). 

66  For  a  description  of  these  conditions  see  above,  vol.  I,pp.  195-198. 
Very  similar  were  conditions  in  Israel  during  the  prophetic  activity  of 
Amos  and  Hosea  (see  above,  pp.  419-422).  Since  certain  prophecies  of 
the  book  (6.  1  to  7.  6)  are  thought  by  some  scholars  to  come  from  the 
days  of  Manasseh,  a  few  words  may  be  added  concerning  the  reign  of 
Hezekiah’s  successor.  According  to  2  Kings  21.  1  Manasseh  was  twelve 
years  old  when  he  began  to  reign,  and  ruled  fifty-five  years.  Under 
him  the  political  life  of  Judah  seems  to  have  remained  unchanged. 
Probably  he  continued  to  pay  tribute  to  the  Assyrian  kings,  though 
2  Chron.  23.  1 1  states  that  he  brought  upon  himself  the  displeasure  of 
the  king  of  Assyria  and  was  carried  in  chains  to  Babylon.  Manasseh 
seems  to  have  been  an  opponent  of  the  pure  and  spiritual  Yahweh 
religion  proclaimed  by  the  eighth-century  prophets,  and  under  him  a 
great  religious  reaction  swept  over  Judah. 

488 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


point  of  the  patrician,  the  man  of  the  city,  Micah  from 
the  point  of  view  of  the  humble  peasant  from  an  obscure 
country  village. 

Foremost  among  the  evils  seen  by  Micah  was  the  greed 
of  the  nobles  manifesting  itself  in  the  attempts  to  build 
up  large  estates  by  forcibly  ejecting  smaller  property 
holders.56  The  judges  seem  to  have  been  quite  willing 
to  assist  their  powerful  friends  in  robbing  the  weak;57 
widows  and  orphans,  without  powerful  defenders,  were 
cruelly  robbed  and  plundered,  and  even  sold  into 
slavery.58  Creditors  were  without  mercy,  and  the  com¬ 
mon  people  were  oppressed  by  excessive  taxation,  that 
the  magnificent  palaces  of  the  capital  might  be  erected.59 
Every  man’s  hand  seems  to  have  been  against  his  neigh¬ 
bor;  even  the  most  sacred  relations  of  life  were  disre¬ 
garded.60  Like  the  other  prophets,  Micah  held  the  nobles 
chiefly  responsible  for  the  awful  moral  and  social  cor¬ 
ruption.  He  likened  them  to  cannibals,  who  tear  the  flesh 
of  the  people  from  their  bones  and  eat  it.61  Their  greed 
and  rapacity  know  no  limits;  like  highway  robbers  they 
pounce  upon  passers-by  and  strip  off  their  garments;62 
helpless  women  and  children  are  their  special  prey;63 
decisions  are  given  in  favor  of  the  one  offering  the  larg¬ 
est  bribe.64 

66  2.  I,  2. 

67  3-  ii. 

68  2.  9. 

69  3.  10. 

60  The  terrible  conditions  are  vividly  described  in  7.  5,  6,  though 
these  verses  may  not  come  from  Micah  himself. 

61  3-  3- 

62  2.  8. 

63  2.  9. 

84  It  may  be  of  interest  to  compare  with  the  verses  referred  to  Isa. 
2.  6  to  5.  24  and  9.  8  to  10.  4. 

489 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


Concerning  religious  conditions  Micah  says  less  than 
the  other  eighth-century  prophets,  but  his  few  remarks 
on  the  subject  confirm  the  statements  of  his  greater  con¬ 
temporary  Isaiah.  Religion  had  become  a  matter  of 
form;  ceremonial  observances  were  thought  to  meet  all 
religious  requirements,  and  the  misapprehension  was  wide¬ 
spread  that,  so  long  as  the  external  acts  of  worship  were 
scrupulously  performed,  the  people  were  entitled  to  the 
divine  favor  and  protection.65  From  the  utterances  of 
Isaiah  it  appears  that  the  worship  of  other  gods  was  not 
uncommon.66  True,  Hezekiah  is  credited  with  a  thorough 
religious  reform,  but  the  actual  changes  were  hardly  as 
sweeping  as  2  Kings  18.  4  seems  to  suggest.  At  any  rate, 
a  century  later,  in  the  days  of  Josiah,  there  were  still 
found  in  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  and  its  vicinity,  high 
places  erected  by  Solomon  centuries  before  the  time  of 
Hezekiah.67  Surely,  amid  these  conditions  the  task  of  a 
prophet  was  not  an  easy  one. 

Teaching  of  Micah.  The  teaching  of  Micah  is  simple 
and  forceful.  In  many  respects  he  resembles  his  eighth- 
century  contemporaries,  Amos,68  Hosea,69  and  Isaiah.70 
A  few  points,  however,  deserve  special  mention :  Micah 

“3.  11;  compare  also  6.  6,  7. 

69  Isa.  2.  8;  and  compare,  for  the  reign  of  Ahaz,  2  Kings  16.  I  off. 

67  2  Kings  23.  13.  Under  Manasseh  the  idols  tom  down  by  Hezekiah 
were  restored,  the  Asherim  were  again  set  up,  and  the  enchanters  and 
soothsayers  exercised  their  former  influence  (2  Kings  21.  6);  even 
human  sacrifice  was  offered  (2  Kings  21.  6;  compare  16.  3).  The 
worship  of  other  deities  was  introduced  into  the  Temple  itself,  those  of 
Assyria  receiving  first  place  (2  Kings  21.  3,  5;  23.  11,  12).  The  popular 
worship  of  Judah  at  this  time  must  have  been  a  strange  combination 
of  foreign  and  native  cults. 

98  See  above,  pp.  425-430. 

99  See  above,  pp.  377-380. 

70  See  vol.  I,  pp.  202-208. 


490 


T'HE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


insists  on  the  holiness  of  Yahweh  and  the  righteousness 
of  his  government.  As  long  as  Yahweh’s  people  do 
right  they  will  enjoy  the  divine  favor;71  when  they  turn 
against  him  they  must  suffer  punishment :  Yahweh’s  good 
will  is  secured  not  by  carefully  observing  the  ritual,  but 
by  living  in  harmony  with  the  principles  of  righteousness, 
by  diligently  practicing  kindness  and  brotherliness,  and 
by  maintaining  a  living  fellowship  with  God  in  the  spirit 
of  humility.72 

The  prophet  did  not  deceive  himself  into  an  expecta¬ 
tion  that  his  lofty  moral  and  religious  ideals  would  prove 
sufficiently  attractive  to  bring  about  a  complete  trans¬ 
formation  in  the  nation’s  life.  He  foresaw  that  the 
majority  would  continue  in  rebellion,  and  that,  therefore, 
punishment  must  fall,  resulting  in  the  destruction  of  the 
national  existence  of  both  Israel  and  Judah.  In  the 
opinion  of  the  present  writer,73  Micah  saw  with  equal 
clearness  that  a  remnant  would  be  saved,  and  that  this 
remnant  would  enjoy  a  life  of  permanent  peace  and 
prosperity  under  an  ideal  ruler.74  Through  the  moral 
influence  proceeding  from  the  remnant75  the  knowl¬ 
edge  of  Yahweh  would  spread  to  other  nations,  many  of 
whose  citizens  would  be  drawn  to  him.76 

A  comparison  of  Micah  with  his  greater  contemporary, 
Isaiah,  is  not  without  interest.  The  two  “resemble  each 
other  in  style,  in  thought,  in  topics,  and  even  in  phrases” ; 
yet  the  contrasts  between  the  two  in  origin,  training,  and 

71  2.  7. 

71  6.  6-8;  these  verses,  however,  are  denied  by  some  to  Micah;  see 
above,  pp.  474-477. 

73  See  above,  p.  482. 

74  Especially,  chapters  4  and  5. 

75  5.  7. 

78  4.  2. 


491 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


sphere  of  activity  are  equally  marked.  The  one  was  a 
city  prophet,  of  high  social  standing,  and  the  counselor 
of  kings;  the  other  was  a  simple  countryman,  born  of 
obscure  parents,  and  in  close  touch  and  sympathy  with 
the  peasant  class.  However,  both  cherished  lofty  concep¬ 
tions  of  the  character  of  Yahweh  and  of  the  obligations 
resting  upon  his  people,  and  both  were  inspired  by  clearly 
defined  convictions  concerning  the  nature  and  ultimate 
triumph  of  the  rule  of  Yahweh  upon  earth. 

7.  The  Book  of  Nahum 

Name.  The  name  finw,  Nahum /  occurs  nowhere  else 
in  the  Old  Testament,1 2  but  is  not  uncommon  in  the 
Mishna,  and  is  found  in  Jewish  ossuaries  and  in 
Phoenician  inscriptions.  Coming  from  a  root  express¬ 
ing  the  idea  of  consolation,  it  probably  means  “the 
bringer  of  consolation,”  “the  consoler.”3  It  is,  there¬ 
fore,  symbolical  of  the  message  of  the  book,  which  is 
intended  to  comfort  the  afflicted  and  oppressed  people  of 
Judah. 

Contents  and  Outline.  The  utterances  of  Nahum 
center  around  a  single  theme — the  destruction  of 
Nineveh.  The  specific  announcement  of  the  doom  of 
the  Assyrian  capital  is  preceded  by  a  proclamation  of 
the  twofold  character  of  Yahweh :  he  is  a  God  of  venge¬ 
ance  and  of  mercy.4  The  divine  wrath  is  about  to  mani- 

1  Septuagint,  Naoi^u;  Vulgate,  Nahum. 

2  It  occurs  in  2  Esdr.  1.  40;  Luke  3.  25;  compare  also  Josephus, 
Antiquities ,  IX,  11,  3. 

8  Some  prefer  the  translation  “consolation”;  but  an  abstract  noun  is 
less  suitable  as  a  name.  Perhaps  the  name  is  an  abbreviation  of  'liTfc'irW 
or  hfijWTO,  “Yahweh”  of  “God  is  the  bringer  of  consolation.” 

4 1.  2-6. 


492 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


fest  itself  in  the  overthrow  of  Judah’s  cruel  enemy — 
Assyria;  the  divine  mercy,  in  the  restoration  of  the 
excellency  of  Judah.5  Chapter  2  deals  almost  entirely 
with  the  assault  upon  Nineveh  and  the  sack  of  the  city : 
An  army  summoned  by  Yahweh  will  capture  the  city, 
plunder,  and  destroy  it,6  so  that  it  will  disappear  com¬ 
pletely.  In  the  next  utterance  the  prophet  once  more 
pronounces  a  woe  upon  the  corrupt  and  bloody  city, 
which  deserves  the  threatened  fate  because  of  the  “multi¬ 
tude  of  her  whoredoms.”  Nineveh  may  boast  in  her 
power  and  her  strong  defenses,  but  they  will  avail  noth¬ 
ing:  city  and  inhabitants  will  be  utterly  cut  off.7 

Title  *  The  prophet  and  the  subject  of  the  prophecy  (1.  1) 

I.  Decree  of  Nineveh's  Doom  (i.  2-15) 

1.  Yahweh  a  God  of  vengeance  and  of  mercy  (1.  2,  3). 

2.  Terribleness  of  the  divine  anger  (1.  4-6). 

3.  Overthrow  of  Nineveh;  rejoicing  in  Zion  (1.  7-15). 

(1)  Yahweh  a  stronghold  of  the  faithful  (1.  7). 

(2)  Yahweh  the  pursuer  of  his  enemies  (1.  8). 

(3)  Yahweh’s  faithfulness  in  the  present  crisis  (1.  9,  10). 

(4)  Justification  of  the  decree  against  Nineveh  (1.  11). 

(5)  Deliverance  of  Judah  (1.  12,  13). 

(6)  Destruction  of  Assyria  (1.  14). 

(7)  Rejoicing  on  Mount  Zion  (1.  15). 

II.  Siege  and  Destruction  of  Nineveh  (2.  1-13) 

I.  Assault  upon  Nineveh;  sack  of  the  city  (2.  1-10). 

(1)  Approach  of  the  enemy  (2.  1). 

(2)  Humiliation  of  Nineveh — a  preparation  for  the  exaltation 

of  Judah  (2.  2). 

(3)  Furious  onslaught  of  the  hostile  army  (2.  3,  4). 

(4)  Hopelessness  of  resistance  (2.  5,  6). 

(5)  Capture  of  the  queen  and  her  attendants  (2.  7). 

6  1.  7-15;  2.  2. 

6  2.  1-13. 

T  3.  I-I9- 


493 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


(6)  Flight  of  the  people  (2.  8). 

(7)  Sack  of  the  city  (2.  9,  10). 

2.  Exultation  of  the  prophet  over  the  city’s  destruction  (2.  11-13). 

III.  Nineveh’s  Vices  and  Inevitable  Doom  (3.  1-19) 

1.  Nineveh’s  doom  a  retribution  for  outrages  against  other  nations 

(3-  i-7). 

(1)  Woe  upon  the  corrupt  and  bloody  city  (3.  1). 

(2)  Clatter  of  the  chariots,  glitter  of  the  arms  (3.  2.,  3). 

(3)  Lack  of  pity  in  the  time  of  distress  (3.  4 -7). 

2.  Fate  of  No  Amon  to  be  the  fate  of  Nineveh  (3.  8-11). 

3.  Inability  of  Nineveh’s  resources  to  save  the  city  (3.  12-19). 

(1)  Fall  of  the  outlying  strongholds  (3.  12,  13). 

(2)  Siege  and  destruction  of  the  city  (3.  I4-I9a). 

(3)  Universal  exultation  over  the  fall  of  Nineveh  (3.  19b). 

Unity  and  Integrity.  The  first  question  regarding 
the  unity  of  the  book  of  Nahum  was  raised  by  Gunkel  as 
late  as  1893  ;8  but  since  that  time  scholars  in  ever- 
increasing  numbers  have  denied  the  originality  of  prac¬ 
tically  the  whole  of  chapter  1  and  of  several  verses  in 
the  remaining  chapters.  The  change  in  attitude  is  closely 
bound  up  with  the  alleged  discovery,  in  chapter  1,  of 
distorted  remnants  of  an  old  alphabetic  acrostic.  In  his 
commentary  on  Psa.  9,  Franz  Delitzsch,  following  a  sug¬ 
gestion  of  “Pastor  Frohnmeyer  of  Wuertemberg,”  re¬ 
marks  :  “Even  the  prophet  does  not  disdain,  as  is  evident 
from  Nah.  1.  3-7,  to  allow  the  sequence  of  the  letters  of 
the  alphabet  to  have  an  influence  upon  the  arrangement 
of  his  thought.”  Following  this  clue,  Gustav  Bickell, 
who  deserves  much  credit  for  his  efforts  to  bring  about 
a  better  understanding  of  Hebrew  poetry,  has  at  various 
times  between  1880  and  1894  attempted  restorations  of 

8  Zeitschrift  fuer  Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  1893,  pp.  223-244. 
In  1814  Berthold  asserted  that  the  three  chapters  were  independent  of 
one  another  and  that  they  were  separated  by  slight  intervals  of  time; 
however,  he  did  not  question  unity  of  authorship. 

494 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


the  ancient  poem.9  Other  scholars  have  undertaken,  each 
in  his  own  way,  the  solution  of  the  problem,  among  them 
Gunkel,10  Wellhausen,* 11,  Nowack,12  Happel,13  Gray,14 
Cheyne,15  Arnold,16  Marti,17  Haupt,18  Duhm,19  J.  M.  P. 
Smith,20  and  others. 

That  the  subject  is  one  of  grave  difficulty  and  that  the 
manifold  conclusions  are  not  altogether  beyond  ques¬ 
tion  may  be  seen  from  the  following  two  quotations. 
Arnold  characterizes  the  several  efforts,  apart  from  his 
own,  in  these  words :  “Starting  with  a  bald  assumption 
as  to  the  main  point  at  issue,  conjecture  has  been  substi¬ 
tuted  for  conjecture  in  matters  of  detail,  and  not  the 
slightest  endeavor  made  to  justify  the  hypothesis  or  con¬ 
jecture  by  reference  to  observed  facts.”21  Of  all  the 
scholars  who  have  made  a  detailed  study  of  the  subject 
G.  B.  Gray  approaches  the  problem  with  the  greatest 

0  Especially  in  Zeitschrift  der  Deutschen  Morgenlaendischen  Gesell- 
Schaft,  1880,  pp.  559ft.;  Zeitschrift  fuer  Katholische  Theologie,  1886,  pp. 
55off.;  Sitzungsberichte  der  Kaiserlichen  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften, 
Wien ,  1894,  Abhandlung  V. 

10  Zeitschrift  fuer  Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  1893,  pp.  223ft. 
Compare  also  Schoepfung  und  Chaos ,  pp.  102,  103. 

11  Die  Kleinen  Propheten ,  Commentary  on  Nahum. 

12  Die  Kleinen  Propheten,  Commentary  on  Nahum.  The  second 
edition  reveals  some  changes  from  the  first. 

13  Der  Psalm  Nahums  kritisch  Untersucht,  and  Das  Buch  des  Propheten 
Nahum  Erklaert. 

14  Expositor,  1898,  pp.  207-220. 

16  Critica  Biblica,  II,  pp.  164-169. 

18  A  very  exhaustive  study  of  “The  Composition  of  Nah.  1-2.  3,” 
Zeitschrift  fuer  Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  1901,  pp.  225-265. 

17  Das  Dodekapropheton,  Commentary  on  Nahum. 

18  Zeitschrift  der  Deutschen  Morgenlaendischen  Gesellschaft,  1907, 
pp.  275-297;  also  Journal  of  Biblical  Literature,  1907,  pp.  1-53. 

19  Zeitschrift  fuer  Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  1911,  pp.  100- 107. 

20  Nahum  (International  Critical  Commentary). 

21  This  criticism  applies  with  equal  justice  to  the  discussion  of  Arnold. 

495 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


caution,  and  his  general  conclusion  is :  “We  must,  there¬ 
fore,  distinguish  between  the  proof  that  Nahum  contains 
traces  of  an  acrostic  which,  when  the  evidence  is  duly 
presented,  is  cogent,  and  certain  details  of  reconstruction, 
which  are  requisite  if  an  entire  acrostic  is  to  be  re¬ 
stored,  but  for  which  the  evidence  is  in  one  or  two  cases 
strong,  in  many  slight,  and  in  some  nil” 

Without  going  into  details,  the  present  writer  may  be 
permitted  to  make  the  following  general  statements  :22 
In  i.  2-7  there  are  unquestionable  traces  of  an  alphabetic 
acrostic,  but  even  here  the  artistic  arrangement  is  not 
carried  through  consistently;  in  the  rest  of  the  chapter 
the  evidence  is  slight.  “The  first  nine  verses,”  says 
Kennedy,  “have  suffered  little,  the  next  four  or  five  con¬ 
siderably  more,  and  the  rest  so  much  that  their  restora¬ 
tion  can  never  be  more  than  an  academic  exercise.”23  In 
other  words,  in  order  to  restore  the  acrostic  it  becomes 
necessary,  at  least  from  verse  7  on,  to  treat  the  text  with 
much  freedom :  words  must  be  inserted  or  omitted,  words 
and  even  clauses  must  be  transposed ;  sometimes  a  passage 
must  be  entirely  rewritten.  In  the  presence  of  such  diffi¬ 
culties  and  uncertainties  the  differences  of  opinion  among 
those  who  have  attempted  reconstructions  are  not  sur¬ 
prising;  nor  is  it  strange  that  some  scholars  hesitate  to 
accept  as  correct  any  of  the  numerous  reconstructions 
attempted,  or  that  they  doubt  even  the  possibility  of  re¬ 
storing,  with  any  degree  of  confidence,  the  original 


22  Limitation  of  space  does  not  permit  a  detailed  discussion  here. 
The  following  three  discussions  give  a  very  good  idea  of  the  problem 
and  of  the  more  important  solutions  attempted:  Hastings,  Dictionary 
of  the  Bible ,  article,  “Nahum”',  Expositor,  1898,  pp.  207-220;  Zeit- 
schriftfuer  Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  1901,  pp.  225-265. 

13  Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible ,  article,  “Nahum.” 

496 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


acrostic.24  On  the  whole,  the  evidence  points  conclu¬ 
sively  to  the  presence  of  an  original  acrostic,  in  whole  or 
in  part;  but  one  may  agree  with  Marti  in  being  content 
with  the  reconstruction  of  i.  2-10  and  in  the  admission 
that  the  rest  is  irrecoverable. 

A  comparison  of  1.  2  to  2.  225  in  the  American  Revised 
Version  with  the  following,  which  reproduces  the  entire 
acrostic  as  reconstructed  by  Nowack  may  be  of  interest  :26 

2.  8  A  God  jealous  and  avenging  is  Yahweh, 

An  avenger  and  full  of  wrath  is  Yahweh. 

3c.  In  storm  and  tempest  is  his  way, 

Clouds  and  dust  are  at  his  feet. 

4.  3  He  rebuketh  the  sea,  so  that  it  drieth  up, 

And  he  maketh  dry  all  the  rivers; 

T  Bashan  and  Carmel  languish, 

And  the  flower  of  Lebanon  withereth. 

5.  in  Mountains  quake  because  of  him, 

And  the  hills  do  melt.  , 

1  The  earth  becometh  desolate  before  him. 

The  world  with  all  that  dwell  therein. 

6.  T  Who  can  endure  his  indignation? 

Who  can  abide  in  the  fierceness  of  his  anger? 
n  His  wrath  is  poured  out  like  fire, 

And  rocks  are  kindled  by  him. 

7.  £3  Good  is  Yahweh  toward  those  who  trust  in  him, 

A  stronghold  in  the  day  of  trouble. 

Yahweh  knoweth  those  who  trust  in  him 

8.  And  in  the  overflowing  flood  he  delivereth  them. 

5  An  utter  end  he  maketh  of  his  adversaries, 

And  his  enemies  he  thrusteth  out  into  darkness. 

9c.  b  Not  twice  he  taketh  vengeance  on  his  adversaries, 

9b.  An  utter  end  he  maketh  of  them  forever. 

9a .73  What  think  ye  of  Yahweh? 

24  For  instance,  A.  B.  Davidson,  Nahum ,  Habakkuk,  and  Zephaniah ;  S. 
R.  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament ,  “Nahum.” 

26  Except  2.  1,  which,  followed  by  2.  3,  is  regarded  by  Nowack  as  the 
opening  sentence  of  Nahum’s  genuine  prophecy. 

26  Wherever  possible,  the  wording  of  the  American  Revised  Version 
has  been  retained. 


497 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


3a.  Yahweh  is  slow  to  anger  and  great  in  loving-kindness. 

2c.  j  An  avenger  is  Yahweh  against  his  adversaries, 

And  he  reserveth  wrath  for  his  enemies; 

10.  0  Like  plucked-up  thorns  they  are  swept  away, 

Like  dry  grass  they  are  withered. 

12.  y  The  arrogance  of  tyrants  is  like  high  water, 

But  soon  it  subsides  and  disappears. 
t  I  humble  thee,  and  I  will  humble  thee  not  again, 

13.  Now  I  will  break  in  pieces  thy  staff. 

14.  22  Yahweh  hath  given  commandment  concerning  thee ; 

Thy  name  shall  be  remembered  no  more; 
p  Thy  grave  I  will  make  an  object  of  disgust  (?), 

Graven  and  molten  images  I  will  cut  off, 

15.  "I  The  feet  of  him  that  bringeth  good  tidings  are  upon  the 

mountains ; 

Behold  !  He  publisheth  peace. 

2.  2. 122  Yahweh  restoreth  the  vine  branch  to  Jacob, 

Yea,  he  delighteth  in  the  excellency  of  Israel, 
ri  To  compensate,  because  emptiers  have  emptied  it, 

They  have  destroyed  its  vine  branches.27 

The  artificial  character  of  acrostic  poetry  is  generally 
supposed  to  point  to  a  late  date ;  hence,  those  who  believe 
that  chapter  1  was  originally  an  alphabetic  poem  con¬ 
sider  it  an  exilic  or  postexilic  production  which  was,  at 
a  still  later  date,  prefixed  to  the  genuine  prophecies  of 
Nahum.  In  support  of  this  contention  the  following 
additional  considerations  are  advanced :  ( 1 )  The  his¬ 
torical  background  of  chapter  1  is  not  clearly  defined, 
which  gives  a  certain  vagueness  to  the  contents,  while 
the  utterances  in  chapters  2  and  3  are  definite  and  to  the 
point.  The  latter  announce  judgment  upon  an  historical 
foe  of  Judah,  while  the  poem  speaks  of  a  world  judg¬ 
ment.  (2)  Some  derive  support  for  a  late  date  from 
the  language  and  style  of  the  poem.  Thus  Gunkel  finds 

27  No  doubt,  the  reconstruction  of  Nowack  results  in  a  smoother  and 
more  poetic  text;  but  is  there  sufficient  warrant  for  the  liberties  taken 
with  the  present  Hebrew  text? 


498 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


a  want  of  originality  in  language  and  style,  and  “many 
touches  that  betray  connection  not  only  with  the  psalms 
but  with  late  eschatological  literature.”  (3)  “The  theo¬ 
logical  and  abstract  nature  of  the  thought  of  1.  2ff.  is 
strikingly  different  from  that  of  the  concrete  and  vivid 
tableaux  of  chapters  2  and  3.”  (4)  The  eschatological 

and  apocalyptic  character  of  chapter  1  distinguishes  the 
acrostic  poem  from  the  definite  announcement  of  political 
and  military  disaster  in  the  remaining  two  chapters.  Of 
course  arguments  of  this  kind  are  never  absolutely  con¬ 
clusive,28  and  yet,  on  the  whole,  the  evidence  makes 
diversity  of  authorship  and  a  late  date  for  the  acrostic 
underlying  chapter  1  more  than  probable.29  Questions 
have  been  raised  regarding  a  few  other  passages,30  but  in 


28  G.  A.  vSmith  is  one  of  the  few  modern  writers  who  hesitate  to  commit 
themselves  definitely  on  the  point.  “Therefore,”  says  he,  “while  it  is 
possible  that  a  later  poem  has  been  prefixed  to  the  genuine  prophecies  of 
Nahum,  and  the  first  chapter  supplies  many  provocations  to  belief 
in  such  a  theory,  this  has  not  been  proved,  and  the  above  essays  of 
proof  have  much  against  them.  The  question  is  open.” 

29  The  manner  and  time  of  connecting  the  acrostic  with  the  rest  of  the 
book  are  obscure.  Some  have  thought  that  the  poem  as  it  now  stands 
was  written  as  an  introduction  to  Nahum;  others,  that  it  was  originally 
written  for  that  purpose,  but  was  thoroughly  revised  at  a  later  date; 
still  others  hold  that  the  editor  responsible  for  its  present  position  made 
use  of  a  poem  that  he  found  ready  at  hand.  On  the  whole,  the  last 
mentioned  hypothesis  appears  the  most  probable.  Arnold  accounts 
for  the  corrupt  condition  of  the  poem  in  its  present  form  by  assuming 
that  the  editor  repeated  it  from  memory,  that  he  forgot  the  fact  that 
it  was  an  acrostic  as  well  as  the  original  order  and  contents  of  the 
latter  part. 

30  3.  18,  19  is  questioned  because  (1)  it  is  thought  to  presuppose  the 
fall  of  Nineveh  as  an  accomplished  fact  and  (2)  it  differs  from  its 
context  in  meter  and  strophic  arrangement;  2.  14  to  3.  7  has  been 
thought  to  have  undergone  a  thorough  working  over,  because  (1)  it  is 
suspected  of  having  been  written  originally  in  elegiac  meter,  and  (2)  the 
theological  coloring  is  thought  to  have  been  influenced  by  Ezekiel. 

499 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


these  cases  the  suspicions  appear  to  be  less  well  founded. 
The  same  judgment  must  be  passed  upon  the  attempts  of 
Happel  and  Haupt  to  reconstruct  the  book  upon  the  basis 
of  an  entirely  subjective  criticism.31 

Date  of  Nahum’s  Activity.32  The  date  of  Nahum’s 
activity  must  be  determined  from  the  contents  of  his 
prophecies.  The  earliest  possible  date  is  suggested  in 
3.  8ff.,  which  refers  to  the  destruction  of  No  Amon,  the 
Egyptian  Thebes,  as  an  accomplished  fact.  The  catas¬ 
trophe  alluded  to  can  be  no  other  than  the  capture  of 
Thebes  by  Ashurbanapal,  king  of  Assyria,  about  663-661 
b.  c.  The  lower  limit  is  the  date  of  the  destruction  of 
Nineveh,  for  while  the  tone  of  the  entire  prophecy  implies 
that  the  destruction  is  imminent,  clearly  it  is  still  in  the 
future.  Nineveh  fell  in  607/606  b.  c.  ;  hence  the  activity 
of  Nahum  must  be  placed  between  663  and  607  b.  c.33 

Can  the  date  be  fixed  more  definitely?  The  vividness 
of  the  description  of  the  fall  of  No  Amon  has  led  some 
to  favor  a  date  soon  after  that  catastrophe,  while  the 
realistic  picture  of  Nineveh’s  distress  has  caused  others 
to  select  a  date  just  prior  to  the  city’s  doom.34  One  thing 


31  See  references  in  notes  13  and  18  above. 

32  The  date  of  the  alphabetic  acrostic  cannot  be  definitely  fixed. 
It  is  undoubtedly  postexilic,  but  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  it  should 
be  carried  down  to  the  Maccabean  age. 

33  Happel  and  Haupt  both  assign  Nahum  to  the  Maccabean  age. 
Such  a  late  date  may  not  be  impossible  for  the  acrostic  in  chapter  I, 
but  for  the  rest  of  the  book  it  is  out  of  the  question:  (1)  It  is  not  prob¬ 
able  that  an  entirely  new  book  could  be  introduced  into  the  prophetic 
canon  after  180  b.  c.  (Compare  Ecclesiasticus  48.  20-25;  49.  6,  8,  10.) 
(2)  Internal  evidence  is  against  so  late  a  date. 

34  For  instance,  Strack,  about  660,  Rogers  and  Koenig,  about  650, 
Kirkpatrick,  soon  after  640,  Comill  624,  G.  A.  Smith,  625  or  608, 
Nowack,  Marti,  Davidson,  J.  M.  P.  Smith,  and  most  recent  writers, 
during  the  years  immediately  preceding  the  fall  of  Nineveh  in  606. 

500 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


seems  clear  from  the  contents,  namely,  that  at  the  time 
the  words  were  uttered  Nineveh  was  experiencing  some 
grave  danger.  Now,  during  the  latter  half  of  the  seventh 
century  Nineveh  passed  through  two,  or  possibly  three, 
serious  crises :  ( i )  About  650-648  b.  cv  during  the  revolt 
of  Shamashshumukin,  king  of  Babylon,  against  his 
brother  Ashurbanapal,  king  of  Assyria.  (2)  About  625 
b.  cv  when,  according  to  Herodotus,35  Nineveh  was 
threatened  by  the  Medes.36  (3)  About  607/606  b.  c.y 
when  Nineveh,  after  a  siege  of  two  years,  was  taken 
and  destroyed. 

The  first  crisis  does  not  offer  a  suitable  occasion,  for 
at  that  time  Nineveh  itself  was  never  in  danger.  The 
Assyrian  king  found  it  an  easy  task  to  drive  the  rebels 
back  into  their  own  land,  where  he  inflicted  a  crushing 
defeat  upon  them.  There  is  much  uncertainty  connected 
with  the  crisis  of  625,  and  while  there  may  be  insufficient 
reason  for  questioning  the  historicity  of  the  attack,37 
there  is  insufficient  evidence  either  to  prove  or  to  dis¬ 
prove  that  the  advance  of  the  Scythians  offers  a  suitable 
occasion. 

During  the  closing  years  of  Ashurbanapal’s  reign38  the 
Assyrian  empire  began  slowly  to  disintegrate.  After  his 
death  the  end  approached  more  rapidly.  In  625  Nabo- 

36 1.  I02ff. 

36  The  invaders  should,  perhaps,  be  identified  with  the  Utnman 
manda  of  the  Assyrian  inscriptions,  that  is,  barbarian  hordes,  commonly 
called  Scythians,  that  threatened  the  integrity  of  the  Assyrian  empire 
as  early  as  the  reign  of  Esarhaddon,  681-668  b.  c.  While  these  peoples 
are  not  identical  with  the  Medes,  they  represent  a  later  invasion  of  the 
same  race,  and  they  may  have  been  joined  by  the  more  settled  Medes 
in  the  attack.  The  similarity  of  Manda  and  Mede  may  be  responsible 
for  Herodotus’  statement  that  the  Medes  made  the  attack. 

37  Wellhausen,  Nowack,  Marti,  etc. 

38  668-626  b.  c. 

501 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


polassar,  one  of  the  military  leaders  of  Ashurbanapal, 
established  an  independent  kingdom  in  Babylon.  With 
the  Scythians  pressing  from  the  north  and  the  new 
Babylonian  power  from  the  south,  Assyria  was  in  serious 
peril.  Finally,  Nabopolassar  entered  into  an  alliance 
with  the  Umman  manda,  including  the  Medes,  and  to¬ 
gether  they  marched  against  Nineveh.  The  united  forces 
met  determined  resistance,  the  struggle  continuing  for 
two  years ;  but  at  last  a  breach  was  made  in  the  northeast 
corner  of  the  wall,  the  city  was  taken,  plundered,  and 
burned.  With  the  fall  of  the  capital  the  Assyrian  world 
power  came  to  an  end.  Judah  having  suffered  much 
from  the  proud  Assyrian,  it  is  not  difficult  to  under¬ 
stand  how,  with  the  doom  of  the  capital  city  imminent, 
a  prophet-patriot  might  burst  into  shouts  of  exultation 
and  triumph  over  the  distress  of  the  cruel  foe.  Evi¬ 
dently,  the  years  immediately  preceding  the  final  over¬ 
throw  of  the  city,  608-606  b.  c.,  offer  the  most  suitable 
occasion  for  Nahum’s  utterances.39 

The  Prophet’s  Home.  Of  the  life  of  Nahum  prac¬ 
tically  nothing  is  known.  He  is  called,  in  1.  1,  the 
Elkoshite,  which  undoubtedly  means  that  he  came  from 
a  place  Elkosh ,40  just  as  Morashtite 41  means  a  citizen  of 
Moresheth ;  but  there  is  much  diversity  of  opinion  as  to 
the  location  of  the  prophet’s  home:  1.  It  has  been  identi¬ 
fied  with  a  modern  village,  Elkush  or  Alkosh,  not  far 
from  the  left  bank  of  the  Tigris,  two  days’  journey  north 


39  Since  Nahum’s  prophecy  deals  exclusively  with  the  fall  of  Nineveh, 
it  is  not  necessary  to  consider  conditions  in  Judah  in  this  connection 
(see  vol.  I,  pp.  302-305. 

40  The  term  has  been  interpreted  as  meaning  “of  the  family  of 
Elkosh,”  but  this  is  a  less  probable  interpretation. 

41  Mic.  1.  1;  see  above,  p.  487. 


502 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


of  the  site  of  ancient  Nineveh.42  If  this  village  or  its 
predecessor  upon  the  same  site  was  the  home  of  Nahum, 
the  prophet  must  be  regarded  as  a  descendant  of  one  of 
the  northern  families  carried  into  exile  in  722/721  b.  c. 
In  addition  to  the  similarity  in  name,  the  prophet’s 
accurate  knowledge  of  Nineveh  and  of  things  Assyrian 
is  urged  in  favor  of  this  identification.43  However,  the 
evidence  is  by  no  means  conclusive:  (1)  The  knowl¬ 
edge  of  Nineveh  is  not  so  minute  that  the  prophet  could 
not  have  acquired  it  without  actually  living  in  Assyria  ;44 
that  country  was  sufficiently  well  known  in  Palestine  dur¬ 
ing  the  seventh  century  b.  c.  to  enable  any  careful  ob¬ 
server  endowed  with  a  poetic  genius  to  draw  the  vivid 
pictures  contained  in  chapters  2  and  3.  (2)  The  tradi¬ 

tion  connecting  Nahum  with  the  Assyrian  village  can¬ 
not  be  traced  beyond  the  sixteenth  century  a.  d.  ;  indeed, 
all  references  to  the  place  itself  are  later  than  the  seventh 
century  a.  d.  (3)  There  is  not  the  slightest  hint  any¬ 
where  in  the  book  that  the  author  was  a  descendant  of 
a  northern  family.  His  whole  interest  centers  in  Judah.45 
Evidently,  a  comparatively  late  age  is  responsible  for 
connecting  Nahum  with  the  Assyrian  village,  because  of 

42  A  description  of  the  village  and  of  the  alleged  tomb  of  Nahum  is 
found  in  H.  A.  Layard,  Nineveh  and  its  Remains,  I,  p.  197. 

43  He  uses  Assyrian  words  (3.  17),  is  well  acquainted  with  the  capital 
city — its  brick  walls  (3.  15),  the  river  gates  (2.  6),  its  temples  and  images 
(1.  14),  its  immense  wealth  (2.  9,  12),  its  vast  population  (2.  8;  3.  15), 
the  crowd  of  merchants  (3.  16),  etc.  From  a  resident  of  a  neighboring 
village,  a  frequent  visitor  to  Nineveh,  all  this  would  sound  very  natural. 
It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  several  scholars,  especially  assyriolo- 
gists  like  Friedrich  Delitzsch  and  Jeremias,  should  consider  the  Assyrian 
Alkosh  the  home  or  at  least  the  temporary  dwelling  place  of  the  prophet 
Nahum. 

44  The  author’s  knowledge  of  No  Amon  is  no  less  precise,  but  few 
would  insist  that  Nahum  ever  saw  the  Egyptian  city. 

45  See  especially  1.  II,  15. 


503 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


the  similarity  in  name  and  the  fact  that  he  prophesied 
against  Nineveh.46 

2.  A  second  tradition,  of  greater  antiquity,  locates 
Elkosh  in  Galilee.  Says  Jerome:  “Elkesi  (or  Helkesei ) 
is  still  at  this  day  a  hamlet  in  Galilee,  small  indeed,  and 
scarcely  showing  traces  by  ruins  of  ancient  buildings, 
but  for  all  that  known  to  the  Jews  and  pointed  out  to  me 
by  a  guide.”47  The  place  named  by  Jerome  has  been 
identified,  though  not  conclusively,  with  the  modern  El 
Kauze,  near  Ramieh.  Jerome’s  statement  was  repeated 
by  other  ancient  writers,  and  a  few  moderns  accept  the 
identification,  supporting  their  contention  by  a  few 
linguistic  peculiarities — more  or  less  doubtful — which  are 
thought  to  favor  a  northern  origin.  If  Jerome’s  view 
of  the  home  of  Nahum  is  correct,  we  would  have  to  think 
of  the  prophet  as  the  descendant  of  an  Israelite  family 
left  behind  in  722/721  b.  c.,  who,  perhaps,  moved  from 
his  northern  home  to  the  territory  of  Judah.  Though 
the  correctness  of  this  identification  can  be  neither  proved 
nor  disproved,  on  the  assumption  of  a  Galilsean  origin  the 
silence  of  Nahum  concerning  the  northern  kingdom  and 
the  lack  of  interest  in  its  restoration  must  appear  strange. 
Consequently,  most  modern  writers  are  persuaded  that 
the  contents  of  the  book  point  in  a  different  direction. 

3.  Knobel  and  Hitzig  identified  Elkosh  with  the  city  of 
Capernaum,  the  name  of  which  means  “village  of 

46  In  a  similar  manner  a  late  age  found  a  resting  place  for  the  prophet 
Jonah  in  the  city  of  Nineveh,  because  he  was  thought  to  have  preached 
there.  At  any  rate,  a  section  of  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  city  bears  even 
to-day  the  name  Nebi  Yunus ,  that  is,  “Prophet  Jonah.” 

47  Preface  to  his  commentary  on  Nahum.  It  is  not  known  whether 
Jerome  simply  repeated  a  popular  tradition,  though  his  statement  may 
imply  this,  or  suggested  the  identification  himself  because  of  the 
similarity  in  the  two  names. 


504 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


Nahum.”48  The  original  name  of  the  city,  it  is  thought, 
was  Elkosh,  which  was  changed  to  Capernaum  in  honor 
of  its  renowned  citizen.  The  identification  finds  its  only 
support  in  the  present  name  of  the  city,  which  cannot  be 
considered  conclusive;  there  is  no  indication  anywhere 
of  a  change  from  a  former  name,  such  as  is  assumed  by 
the  defenders  of  this  view. 

4.  A  fourth  tradition  places  Elkosh  in  the  south,  in  the 
territory  of  Simeon.  “Nahum  was  from  Elkosh,  beyond 
Bet  Gabre ,  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon.”49  Bet  Gabre  is  un¬ 
doubtedly  the  modern  Beit  Jibrin ,  the  ancient  Eleuther- 
opolis,  northeast  of  Lachish.  A  place  in  Judah  is  un¬ 
doubtedly  more  in  harmony  with  the  exclusive  interest  in 
the  southern  kingdom  manifested  by  the  prophet;  hence, 
the  present  writer,  with  most  moderns,  is  inclined  to 
look  for  the  home  of  Nahum  in  the  south  of  Palestine. 

Teaching  of  the  Book.  The  original  utterances  of 
Nahum  contain  little  or  no  direct  religious  teaching.  The 
opening  verses  of  the  alphabetic  acrostic  emphasize  the 
twofold  manifestation  of  the  divine  holiness — the  divine 
vengeance  and  the  divine  mercy.50  The  one  results  in 
the  destruction  of  the  wicked,51  the  other  in  the  salvation 
of  the  oppressed.52  Faith  in  Yahweh  will  guarantee  the 
divine  favor  and  protection.53  In  a  broad  and  general 
sense,  1.  15  is  of  Messianic  import.  The  downfall  of 

48  In  Hebrew  Kephar- Nahum. 

49  The  tradition  first  appears  in  a  collection  of  traditions  entitled 
Lives  of  the  Prophets ,  ascribed,  though  erroneously,  to  Epiphanius, 
bishop  of  Salamis  on  the  Island  of  Cyprus  during  the  latter  part  of  the 
fourth  century  a.  d. 

60  I.  2,  3. 

61  1.  2. 

62  1.  15;  2.  2. 

68  I.  7. 


5°s 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


Nineveh  and  Assyria  prepares  the  way  for  the  redemp¬ 
tion  and  permanent  exaltation  of  Zion,  when  “the  wicked 
one  shall  no  more  pass  through  thee.” 

In  one  respect  Nahum,  the  author  of  the  genuine 
oracles,  differs  widely  from  his  predecessors,  namely,  in 
his  silence  concerning  the  sin  and  guilt  of  Judah.  The 
other  prophets  point  to  the  present  or  impending  distress 
and  affliction  of  the  people  as  the  result  of  sin,  and  they 
insist  that  salvation  can  be  theirs  only  if  they  repent  and 
turn  to  Yahweh.  “For  this  Nahum  had  no  thought.  His 
heart,  for  all  its  bigness,  holds  room  only  for  the  bitter 
memories,  the  baffled  hopes,  the  unappeased  hatreds  of 
a  hundred  years.”  And  yet  it  is  doing  less  than  full 
justice  to  Nahum  to  regard  him  exclusively  as  a  “repre¬ 
sentative  of  the  old,  narrow  and  shallow  prophetism,” 
or  to  speak  of  his  point  of  view  as  “essentially  one  with 
that  of  such  men  as  Hananiah  .  .  .  and  the  so-called 
false  prophets  in  general.”54  His  silence  concerning  the 
sin  of  his  own  people  is  not  entirely  due  to  a  lack  of 
ethical  ideals  but,  in  part  at  least,  to  a  narrowness  of  pur¬ 
pose.  It  was  the  prophet’s  sole  aim  to  point  out  the  hand 
of  Yahweh  in  the  impending  doom  of  Nineveh;  which 
he  could  do  without  dwelling  upon  the  shortcomings 
of  his  own  people.  The  fierceness  of  Nahum  and  his  glee 
at  the  thought  of  Nineveh’s  ruin  may  fall  short  of  the 
highest  Old  Testament  ideal,  but  do  they  any  more  so 
than  the  utterances  which  came  from  some  Christian 
pulpits  during  the  recent  World  War?  Moreover,  one 
might  think  of  Nahum  as  justifying  his  utterances  as  did 
the  authors  of  similar  expressions  in  more  recent  times, 
by  insisting  that  his  denunciations  were  prompted,  not  by 
personal  hatred  but  by  righteous  indignation  over  the 


64  J.  M.  P.  Smith,  Nahum ,  p.  281. 

506 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


outrages  committed  by  a  ruthless  foe.  Even  if  we  omit 
the  alphabetic  acrostic  from  consideration,  the  prophet 
thinks  of  the  sin  and  punishment  of  Nineveh  not  exclu¬ 
sively  in  their  bearing  upon  the  fortunes  of  Judah,  but 
in  their  relation  to  Yahweh’s  government  of  the  then 
known  world.  In  a  sense,  therefore,  Nahum  gives  utter¬ 
ance  to  the  outraged  conscience  of  humanity.  Thus, 
while  Nahum’s  message,  in  its  direct  teaching,  is  un¬ 
doubtedly  less  spiritual  and  ethical  than  that  of  his 
predecessors,  by  implication  it  emphasizes  Yahweh’s 
sway  over  many  nations  and  the  obligations  of  these 
nations  to  own  his  sway.  This  emphasis  gives  to  the 
message  of  Nahum  a  unique  significance  for  the  present 
age,  in  which  the  proper  basis  of  international  relations 
receives  so  much  attention.  The  words  of  Kennedy,55 
written  long  before  the  World  War,  have  an  even  deeper 
significance  during  the  present  period  of  readjustment: 
“Assyria  in  his  hands  becomes  an  object  lesson  to  the 
empires  of  the  modern  world,  teaching,  as  an  eternal 
principle  of  the  divine  government  of  the  world,  the 
absolute  necessity,  for  a  nation’s  continued  vitality,  of 
that  righteousness,  personal,  civic,  and  national,  which 
alone  exalteth  a  nation.”56 

66  Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  article  “Nahum.” 

66  Opinions  concerning  the  religious  insight  and  moral  significance  of 
Nahum  may  differ,  but  from  the  standpoint  of  literary  power  and  skill 
all  modem  students  assign  to  the  prophet  an  exalted  place  among  the 
prophet-poets  of  ancient  Israel,  for  all  are  impressed  by  the  force  and 
picturesqueness  of  his  language  and  style.  “Each  prophet,”  says 
Kirkpatrick,  “has  his  special  gift  for  his  particular  work.  Nahum 
bears  the  palm  for  poetic  power.  His  short  book  is  a  Pindaric  ode  of 
triumph  over  the  oppressor’s  fall”  ( Doctrine  of  the  Prophets,  p.  243). 
So  also  G.  A.  Smith:  “His  language  is  strong  and  brilliant;  his  rhythm 
rumbles  and  rolls,  leaps  and  flashes,  like  the  horsemen  and  chariots  he 
describes”  ( Minor  Prophets,  II,  p.  91).  J.  M.  P.  Smith,  who,  as  has 

507 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


8.  The  Book  of  Habakkuk 

Name.  The  name  Habakkuk* 1  is  commonly  de¬ 

rived  from  a  root  which  would  give  it  the  meaning  “em¬ 
brace”  or  “ardent  embrace.”2  It  may,  however,  be  con¬ 
nected  with  the  Assyrian  hambakuku ,  the  name  of  a 
garden  plant.3 

Contents  and  Outline.4  The  book  of  Habakkuk  differs 
fundamentally  from  the  other  prophetic  books:  while 
the  utterances  contained  in  the  other  books  claim  to  be 
the  words  of  Yahweh  addressed  to  the  people,  in  this 
book  the  prophet,  representing  the  people,  addresses  and 
challenges  Yahweh.  The  prophecy  opens  with  a  com¬ 
plaint  about  the  seeming  indifference  of  Yahweh  in  the 
presence  of  widespread  and  persistent  corruption  in 
Judah.  The  prophet  is  perplexed,  for  he  cannot  reconcile 
this  indifference  with  his  conception  of  the  character  of 
Yahweh.5  In  reply  Yahweh  announces  that  he  is  about 
to  execute  judgment  through  the  advancing  Chaldeans.6 


been  indicated,  credits  the  prophet  with  but  limited  spiritual  and 
ethical  insight,  ranks  him  very  high  in  descriptive  power  and  “capacity 
to  bring  a  situation  vividly  before  the  mind’s  eye.”  “Through  the 
whole  scene,”  says  he,  “there  moves  a  mighty  passion  and  a  great  joy 
which  lift  the  narrative  out  of  the  commonplace  into  the  majestic  and 
make  of  it  great  literature.”  (Nahum,  p.  274). 

1  Septuagint  ’A/n/Sa/co^,  ’ Ambakum,  Theodotion,  ’ AuPclkovk,’ Ambakuk, 
which  presupposes  the  Hebrew  form  pTpSll  Habbdkuk\  Vulgate, 
Habacuc. 

2  Some  of  the  ancient  rabbis,  connecting  the  name  with  2  Kings  4.  16, 
thought  that  the  prophet  was  the  son  of  the  Shunammite  woman. 

3  If  this  etymology  is  correct,  the  Greek  has  preserved  the  more  orig¬ 
inal  form. 

4  The  statement  of  contents  here  given  is  based  upon  the  interpretation 

of  the  book  justified  below,  pp.  5 10-5 14. 

6  1.  2-4. 

6  1.  5-11. 


508 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


This  only  increases  the  prophet’s  perplexity,  for  he  can¬ 
not  understand  how  a  righteous  and  holy  God  can  use 
the  lawless  Chaldeans  to  execute  judgment  upon  a  people 
more  righteous  than  they.7  Yahweh  solves  this  problem 
by  announcing  that  the  exaltation  of  the  Chaldeans  will 
be  but  temporary ;  in  the  end  they  will  meet  their  doom, 
while  the  righteous  will  live.8  Since  the  doom  of  the 
cruel  oppressor  is  irrevocably  determined,  the  wronged 
nations  may  even  now  begin  to  rejoice  over  his  down¬ 
fall;  hence  the  prophet  introduces  them  as  taking  up  a 
“taunt-song”  against  the  doomed  Chaldeans,  in  the  form 
of  five  woes  upon  the  evil  traits  in  the  enemy’s  character 
and  his  bloody  deeds  of  cruelty.9  The  prophecy  closes 
with  a  lyrical  passage,  called  in  the  title  “prayer.”  In  it 
the  author  magnifies  the  redeeming  acts  of  Yahweh  in 
the  past  and,  in  the  certainty  of  his  immediate  appearance 
for  the  purpose  of  renewing  his  gracious  manifestations, 
expresses  unwavering  confidence  in  his  God.10 

Title :  Name  of  the  author  (i.  i). 

I.  The  Prophet's  Twofold  Perplexity  and  the  Divine  Solu¬ 
tions  (i.  2  tO  2.  4). 

1.  First  perplexity:  How  can  Yahweh  justify  his  indifference  in  the 

presence  of  wickedness  and  violence?  (1.  2-4). 

2.  Yahweh's  reply:  He  is  not  indifferent;  the  well-merited  judgment 

is  about  to  be  executed  by  the  Chaldeans  (1.  5-1 1). 

3.  Second  perplexity :  How  can  a  holy  God  employ  an  impure  and 

godless  agent?  (1.  12-17). 

4.  Yahweh’s  final  reply:  The  Chaldeans,  though  temporarily  ex¬ 

alted,  will  meet  certain  doom;  the  righteous  Jews,  though  tem¬ 
porarily  afflicted,  will  live  forever  (2.  1-4). 


7  1.  12-17. 

8  2.  1-4. 

9  2.  5-20. 

10  3.  1-19. 


509 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


II.  Taunt  Song  Over  the  Downfall  of  the  Chaldeans  (2.  5- 

20). 

1.  Woe  upon  lust  of  conquest  and  plunder  (2.  5-8). 

2.  Woe  upon  rapacity  (2.  9-11). 

3.  Woe  upon  the  building  of  cities  with  the  blood  and  property  of 

strangers  (2.  12-14). 

4.  Woe  upon  cruelty  against  conquered  kings  and  nations  (2.  15-17). 

5.  Woe  upon  idolatry  (2.  18-20). 

III.  A  Prayer:  Petition,  Gratitude,  Confidence  (3.  1-19). 

1.  Title:  Author  and  melody  (3.  1). 

2.  Petition:  “Revive  thy  work”  (3.  2). 

3.  The  mighty  works  of  Yahweh  in  the  past  (3.  3-15). 

(1)  Yahweh’s  terrible  approach  (3.  3-7). 

(2)  Question:  Why  did  Yahweh  appear?  (3.  8-12). 

(3)  Answer:  For  the  salvation  of  his  people  (3.  13-15). 

4.  The  poet’s  confidence  in  Yahweh,  the  God  of  his  salvation  (3. 

16-19). 

Interpretation  of  Chapters  1,  2.  Questions  of  the 
integrity  and  date  of  chapters  1  and  2  are  so  closely 
bound  up  with  the  interpretation  of  these  two  chapters 
that  the  latter  may  be  given  first  consideration.  The 
interpretations  advocated  may  be  grouped  under  three 
heads:  1.  The  prophet  teaches  that  the  sin  of  Judah  is 
to  be  punished  by  the  Chaldeans,  who  in  turn  will  suffer 
severe  punishment.  2.  Nothing  is  said  of  the  sin  of 
Judah;  the  prophet  dwells  upon  the  wrongs  done  to 
Judah  and  other  nations  by  the  Chaldeans,  and  announces 
the  impending  doom  of  the  oppressor.  3.  Nothing  is 
said  of  the  sin  of  Judah;  the  present  oppressors  are  not 
the  Chaldeans,  but  the  Assyrians11  or  the  Egyptians,12 
whose  overthrow  is  to  be  accomplished  by  the  Chaldeans. 
In  order  to  make  the  several  interpretations  clearer  a 


11  Budde,  Betteridge. 

13  G.  A.  Smith. 

5IQ 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


brief  outline  of  the  two  chapters  according  to  each  view 
may  be  given. 

I.  The  first  interpretation  is  based  upon  the  text  as  it 
stands : 

i.  2-4.  The  corruption  of  Judah:  The  oppression  of 
the  righteous  Jews  by  the  wicked  Jews  calls  for  divine 
judgment  upon  the  oppressors. 

1.  5-1 1.  Yahweh  announces  that  he  is  about  to  send 
the  Chaldeans  to  execute  the  long  delayed  judgment. 

1.  12-17.  The  prophet  is  perplexed :  He  cannot  under¬ 
stand  how  a  righteous  God  can  use  these  barbarians  to 
execute  judgment  upon  a  people  more  righteous  than 
they. 

2.  1-4.  Yahweh  solves  the  perplexing  problem  by 
announcing  that  the  exaltation  of  the  Chaldeans  will  be 
but  temporary;  in  the  end  they  will  meet  their  doom, 
while  the  righteous  Jews  will  live  forever. 

2.  5-20.  Woes  upon  the  Chaldeans. 

II.  The  second  interpretation  finds  it  necessary  to  alter 
the  present  arrangement  of  the  verses.  Since  1.  5-1 1  do 
not  fit  into  the  interpretation  these  verses  are  regarded  as 
an  originally  independent  oracle,  which  may  at  one  time 
have  occupied  a  place  before  1.  2. 13  Omitting  the 
troublesome  verses,  the  following  outline  of  the  two  chap¬ 
ters  may  be  given : 

1.  2-4.  Oppression  of  the  righteous  Judah  by  the 
wicked  Chaldeans. 

1.  12-17.  Appeal  to  Yahweh  in  behalf  of  Judah 
against  the  oppressors. 

2.  1-4.  Yahweh  promises  deliverance. 

2.  5-20.  Woes  upon  the  Chaldeans. 

13  Giesebrecht,  Beitraege  zur  Jesajakritik,  pp.  196-198;  similarly 
Wellhausen  and  Nowack. 

511 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


III.  The  third  interpretation  also  finds  it  necessary  to 
alter  the  present  order  of  the  verses;  the  announcement 
in  i.  5-1 1  is  given  a  more  suitable  place  after  2.  4.  With 
this  change  the  outline  is  as  follows  : 

1.  2-4.  Oppression  of  the  righteous  Jews  by  the  wicked 
Assyrians  or  Egyptians, 

1.  12-17.  Appeal  to  Yahweh  in  behalf  of  the  op¬ 
pressed  against  the  oppressors. 

2.  1-4.  Yahweh  promises  deliverance. 

1.  5-1 1.  The  Chaldeans  will  be  the  instruments  to 
execute  judgment  upon  the  oppressors  and  to  bring  de¬ 
liverance  to  the  Jews, 

2.  5-20.  Woes  upon  the  Assyrians  or  the  Egyptians.14 

Which  of  the  three  views  offers  the  most  probable  in¬ 
terpretation  of  the  two  chapters? 

Against  the  third  view  several  objections  may  be 
urg^d  :  ( 1 )  It  would  not  be  easy  to  account  for  the  trans¬ 
position  of  1.  5-1 1  from  its  original  position  after  2. 
4. 15  (2)  The  absence  of  all  mention  of  the  Assyrians  or 

Egyptians  is  peculiar.  There  may  "have  been,  as  Bet- 
teridge  suggests,  no  need  of  naming  them,  but  when  other 
considerations  make  it  doubtful  that  these  nations  are 
meant  the  silence  cannot  be  overlooked.  (3)  From  1. 
5-1 1,  no  matter  where  the  verses  are  placed,  it  appears 
that  the  Chaldeans  and  their  methods  of  warfare  were 
well  known  to  the  prophet;  but  if  the  words  were  spoken 
when  the  Assyrians,  or  the  Egyptians,  were  the  masters 

14  Other  interpretations,  based  upon  more  radical  treatment  of  the 
contents  are  set  forth  below,  pp.  518,  519. 

16  Budde  traces  the  transposition  to  a  working  over  of  the  two 
chapters  during  the  period  of  the  exile,  when  the  Jews  had  come  to 
take  a  less  favorable  view  of  the  Chaldeans.  A.  B.  Davidson  says  of 
Budde’s  explanation:  “If  it  is  true,  criticism  is  not  without  its  romance” 
(Nahum,  Habakkuk,  Zephaniah ,  p.  51). 

512 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


of  Judah  they  originated  at  a  time  when  the  Chaldeans 
were  just  appearing  upon  the  scene.  Their  irresistible 
power  was  first  revealed  by  the  overthrow  of  the 
Assyrians  and  the  Egyptians.  (4)  According  to  this 
interpretation  1.  5-1 1  refers  to  the  Chaldeans,  1.  12-17 
to  the  Assyrians  or  the  Egyptians,  but  a  close  comparison 
of  the  two  passages  inevitably  leads  to  the  impression 
that  they  refer  to  one  and  the  same  nation.16 

The  same  objections  cannot  be  urged  against  the  second 
interpretation.  Indeed,  the  arbitrary  treatment  of  1. 
5-1 1  constitutes  the  only  serious  criticism.  Is  the  fact 
that  a  passage  runs  counter  to  an  otherwise  doubtful 
theory  sufficient  reason  for  omitting  it?  If  it  is  inter¬ 
preted  as  an  earlier  independent  prophecy,  its  present 
position  must  still  be  accounted  for.  Moreover,  the 
transposition  of  the  verses  to  the  beginning  of  the  chap¬ 
ter  does  not  remove  the  difficulty,  for  they  are  less  suit¬ 
able  there  than  verses  2-4,  which  permit  a  natural  and 
consistent  development  of  the  thought. 

The  first  interpretation  has  by  no  means  escaped 
criticism :  ( 1 )  In  one  passage  the  term  “wicked”  applies 
to  a  portion  of  the  Jews,  in  another,  to  the  Chaldeans.17 
(2)  In  1.  5,  6  the  raising  up  of  the  Chaldeans  appears  to 
be  still  in  the  future,  while  1.  13-16  and  2.  5-20  de¬ 
scribe  their  treatment  of  the  conquered  nations  in  a 
manner  which  indicates  that  the  Chaldeans  and  their 
methods  of  warfare  were  well  known.  (3)  It  seems  un¬ 
natural  that  “in  a  prophecy,  the  main  theme  of  which  is 
to  set  forth  the  injustice  which  Israel  suffers,  and  to 
announce  judgment  upon  its  authors,”  injustice  prevalent 


18  Compare  especially  1.  11  with  1.  16. 
17  Compare  1.  4  with  1.  13. 


513 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


in  Judah  should  receive  the  emphasis  given  to  it  in  i. 
2-4. 

Concerning  these  objections  'the  following  remarks 
may  be  made :  ( 1 )  There  is  no  plausible  reason  why  gen¬ 
eral  terms  like  “righteous”  and  “wicked”  may  not  refer, 
in  one  and  the  same  discourse,  to  more  than  one  person 
or  group  of  persons.  (2)  The  second  objection  rests 
upon  a  misunderstanding.  The  reference  in  1.  6  is  not 
to  the  first  appearance  of  the  Chaldeans  in  history,  but 
to  their  first  and  imminent  advance  against  Judah. 
Earlier  campaigns  had  furnished  ample  opportunity  for 
becoming  acquainted  with  them  and  the  manner  of  their 
warfare.  (3)  Has  the  objector  properly  defined  the 
“main  theme”  of  the  two  chapters  ?  Surely,  the  text  as 
it  now  stands  permits  a  perfectly  logical  development  of 
the  author’s  thought;  indeed,  the  development  of  the 
thought  becomes  more  vivid  and  forceful,  for  instead  of 
one  problem  to  trouble  the  prophet  we  have  two,  and 
instead  of  one  divine  reply  we  have  two.  Is  there  any¬ 
thing  impossible  or  improbable  in  this?  The  present 
writer  believes  that  on  the  whole  the  first  interpretation, 
which  requires  no  omissions  or  transpositions,  is  the  most 
satisfactory. 

Integrity  of  the  Book.  The  determination  of  the 
proper  interpretation  of  chapters  1  and  2  does  not  solve 
all  critical  questions.  There  is  still  the  possibility  that 
in  the  two  chapters  elements  coming  from  different  times 
and  authors  are  combined  in  such  a  manner  that  a  per¬ 
fectly  logical  development  in  the  thought  is  Ihe  result. 
Consequently,  the  further  question  may  be  asked :  Is  it 
possible  to  accept  the  whole  book,  or  even  the  whole  of 
chapters  1  and  2,  as  the  work  of  Habakkuk?  Now, 
even  a  superficial  study  of  modern  discussions  soon 

514 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


reveals  ( i )  that  practically  every  verse  has  been  denied 
to  the  alleged  author  by  one  or  more  scholars,  and  (2) 
that  there  exists  the  widest  divergence  of  opinion  among 
recent  writers.  In  other  words,  the  critical  problems  in¬ 
volved  are  so  complex  that  a  work  of  this  kind  cannot 
possibly  undertake  a  detailed  discussion;  it  must  be  con¬ 
tent  with  a  more  or  less  general  consideration  of  the  pas¬ 
sages  regarding  which  doubts  have  been  expressed  most 
persistently.18 

Even  with  this  limitation,  it  is  found  that  considerably 
more  than  half  of  the  book,  including — in  addition  to 
other  less  extensive  secondary  elements  in  chapters  1 
and  2 — 1.  5-1 1 ;  2.  9-20;  chapter  3  entire,  is  denied  to 
Habakkuk.  The  principal  reason  for  rejecting  1.  5-1 1 
has  already  been  discussed,  and  it  has  been  seen  that  a 
proper  interpretation  of  the  book  makes  the  rejection  un¬ 
necessary.19  The  “woes”  in  2.  9-20  are  denied  to  Habak¬ 
kuk  chiefly  on  three  grounds :  ( 1 )  The  historical  back¬ 
ground  is  that  of  the  exile;  they  originated  at  a  time 
when  the  Chaldean  empire  was  nearing  its  end.  (2)  In 
part  at  least  they  are  unsuitable  if  supposed  to  be  ad- 


18  The  problems  are  discussed  in  the  Introductions  by  Driver,  Cornill, 
Steuemagel,  etc. ;  and  in  the  commentaries  on  the  Minor  Prophets  by 
Wellhausen,  Nowack,  Marti,  G.  A.  Smith,  and  others;  also  in  A.  B. 
Davidson,  Nahum ,  Habakkuk ,  and  Zephaniah.  Of  special  studies  the 
following  are  the  most  suggestive:  K.  Budde,  Studien  und  Kritiken , 
1893,  pp.  383-393;  Expositor ,  1895,  PP-  372-385;  Encyclopedia  Biblica , 
article  “Habakkuk”;  J.  W.  Rothstein,  Studien  und  Kritiken,  1894,  pp. 
51-85;  M.  Lauterburg,  Theologische  Zeitschrift  aus  der  Schweiz,  1896, 
pp.  74-102;  J.  Boehmer,  Neue  Kirchliche  Zeitschrift,  1899,  pp.  724-735; 
O.  Happel,  Das  Buch  des  Prophelen  Habackuk ;  F.  E.  Peiser,  Der  Prophe / 
Habakuk ;  W.  R.  Betteridge,  American  Journal  of  Theology,  1903,  pp. 
647PF. 

19  Marti  regards  1.  5-10,  14,  15  as  the  oldest  and  only  preexilic  part  of 
the  book. 


515 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


dressed  to  the  Chaldean  king.  (3)  Some  parts,  especially 
verses  12-14,  “consist  largely  of  citations  and  remi¬ 
niscences  of  other  passages,  including  some  late  ones.”20 
On  these  grounds  Stade,  Kuenen,  and  many  more  recent 
writers  consider  9-20  an  expansion,  made  in  postexilic 
times,  of  one  original  “woe,”  now  found  in  verses  6-8.21 
It  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  reasons  stated  can  be  ac¬ 
cepted  as  in  any  sense  conclusive  :  (1)  There  is  nothing 
in  the  historical  allusions  that  points  clearly  to  an  exilic 
date;  they  may  all  be  explained  as  springing  from  the 
period  following  the  destruction  of  Nineveh  in  607/606 
and  the  defeat  of  the  Egyptians  at  Carchemish  in  604 
b.  c.  (2)  While  it  may  be  admitted  that  some  of  the 
woes  are  not  applicable  to  the  Chaldean  king  as  an  indi¬ 
vidual,  the  difficulties  disappear  as  soon  as  we  remember 
that  he  is  the  representative  of  the  nation  and  that  the 
woes  are  intended  for  the  whole  people.  (3)  The  argu¬ 
ment  from  literary  parallels  is  always  precarious.  In 
this  case  the  resemblances  are  few  in  number  and  not 
of  a  character  that  necessarily  implies  literary  depend¬ 
ence.22  In  other  words,  there  seems  insufficient  ground 
for  rejecting  the  “woes”  in  2.  5-20  or  2.  9-20.23 


20  Compare  verse  12  with  Mic.  3.  10;  verse  13  with  Jer.  51.  58;  verse  14 
with  Isa.  11.  9;  verse  16b  with  Jer.  25.  15,  16;  verses  18-20  with  Isa. 
44.  9ff.;  46.  6,  7;  Jer.  10.  1-16. 

21  Others,  like  Marti,  reject  the  whole  of  2.  5-20,  while  Budde,  Nowack, 
Rothstein,  and  others,  reject  only  small  parts  of  the  “woes”  as  later 
additions. 

22  Some  of  the  passages  showing  resemblances  are  earlier  than  Ha- 
bakkuk,  so  that  he  might  have  been  the  borrower;  but  in  no  case  is 
literary  dependence  beyond  question. 

23  This  does  not  mean  that  the  “woes”  contain  no  secondary  elements; 
for  instance,  verse  20  certainly  is  late,  and  in  other  places  copyists  or 
redactors  have  left  their  marks. 

516 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


The  “prayer”  in  chapter  3  presents  a  more  troublesome 
problem,  and  modern  scholarship,  following  Stade,24  is 
practically  unanimous  in  regarding  it  as  secondary,  for 
the  following  reasons :  ( 1 )  It  belongs  to  the  psalm  litera¬ 
ture;25  (2)  it  was  taken  from  a  collection  of  psalms  used 
in  public  worship;26  (3)  the  historical  situation  reflected 
is  different  from  that  presupposed  in  chapters  1  and 
2;27  (4)  the  religious  tone  is  eschatological  and 

apocalyptic;28  (5)  the  style  differs  from  that  in  the  pre¬ 
ceding  chapters.29  Of  course  these  arguments  are  not 
altogether  conclusive.  Why  may  not  a  prophet  compose 
a  psalm?  Why  may  not  such  a  psalm  find  a  place  in  a 
collection  intended  for  Temple  use?30  It  is  undoubtedly 
true  that  “to  the  circumstances  of  Habakkuk’s  age,  so 
clearly  reflected  in  chapters  1,  2,  there  are  here  no  allu¬ 
sions”  ;31  on  the  other  hand,  the  psalm,  with  the  possible 
exception  of  verses  i6ff.,  contains  no  allusions  to  cir- 


24  Zeitschrift  fuer  Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  1884,  pp.  154-159. 

26  Compare  the  use  of  the  word  selah ,  the  expressions  “for  the  chief 
musician”  and  “on  my  stringed  instruments,”  and  “prayer”  as  the  title 
of  the  poem. 

26  The  directions  in  verse  1  and  in  the  subscription  point  in  that 
direction,  as  also  the  use  of  the  word  selah. 

27  Verses  i6ff.  seem  to  allude  to  a  calamity  other  than  the  invasion  of 
the  Chaldeans. 

28  Support  for  this  claim  has  been  seen  in  the  use  of  the  term 
“anointed”  or  “Messiah”  of  Israel,  in  verse  13;  other  expressions  are 
less  clear,  though  there  seems  to  be  an  apocalyptic  coloring. 

29  These  differences  even  the  English  reader  can  see  and  appreciate. 

30  The  abstract  possibility  of  Habakkuk  being  a  psalm  writer  can  be 
denied  only  on  the  assumption — which  cannot  be  substantiated — that 
all  psalm  literature  is  of  postexilic  origin.  See  F.  C.  Eiselen,  Psalms 
and  Other  Sacred  Writings,  pp.  58-60. 

31  This  silence  may  or  may  not  be  significant;  but  it  must  be  re¬ 
membered  that  the  argument  from  silence  is  always  precarious. 

517 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


cumstances  inconsistent  with  those  in  Habakkuk’s  days.32 
A  comparison  with  Exod.  15,  Deut.  33,  and  Judges  5, 
shows  that,  so  far  as  substance,  form,  general  contents, 
and  religious  ideas  are  concerned,  a  preexilic  date  is  not 
excluded.  Nor  does  difference  in  style  necessarily 
militate  against  unity  of  authorship,  for  the  poetic  style 
of  an  author  may  be  expected  to  differ  from  that  em¬ 
ployed  in  writing  prose.  All  this  simply  means  that  it 
is  impossible  to  prove  or  to  disprove  that  Habakkuk  is 
the  author  of  the  prayer.  At  the  same  time  the  present 
writer  must  admit  that  the  longer  he  studies  the  prayer, 
the  stronger  becomes  the  conviction  that  he  is  reading 
the  production  of  an  author  other  than  Habakkuk,  who 
wrote  during  the  postexilic  period.33  In  other  words,  he 
believes  that,  while  there  is  insufficient  reason  for  deny¬ 
ing  chapters  1  and  2, 34  apart  from  minor  expansions 
and  additions,  to  the  preexilic  prophet,  chapter  3  finds 
a  more  suitable  origin  in  the  postexilic  period.35 

32  The  presence  of  two  or  more  different  kinds  of  distress  at  one  and 
the  same  time  cannot  be  denied. 

33  Verse  16  may  mark  the  end  of  the  original  “prayer”;  verses  17-19 
may  be  a  later  expansion. 

34  Steuernagel  considers  1.  12  to  2.  4  a  prophecy  independent  of  1.  2-1 1, 
but  built  up  after  the  pattern  of  the  latter.  He  assigns  it  (as  also  the 
woes  in  2.  5ff.)  to  the  middle  period  of  the  exile  and  interprets  it  as 
directed  against  the  Chaldeans.  He  further  believes  that  this  exilic 
author  bore  the  Babylonian  or  Assyrian  name  Hambakuku  (see  above, 
p.  508)  while  the  author  of  1.  2-1 1  is  unknown.  The  present  writer 
believes  it  unnecessary  to  separate  the  two  sections. 

35  The  discussion  in  the  text  would  have  become  too  complicated  if 
detailed  consideration  had  been  given  to  all  the  different  theories 
regarding  the  origin  of  the  book.  However,  it  may  be  worth  while  to 
outline  briefly  a  few  theories  that  differ  most  widely  from  the  conclusions 
of  the  present  writer,  and  to  which  little  or  no  reference  has  been  made 
in  the  text:  (1)  Lauterburg  defends  the  unity  of  the  book  and  assigns 
the  whole  of  it  to  the  years  immediately  preceding  the  preaching  of 
Deutero-Isaiah,  that  is,  about  545  B.  C.  (2)  Peiser,  also  defending  the 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


Date  of  Habakkuk’s  Activity.36  The  question  of  date 
is  closely  bound  up  with  that  of  interpretation.37  Budde, 
on  the  theory  that  the  oppressors  threatened  with  de¬ 
struction  are  the  Assyrians,  dates  the  genuine  prophecies 
of  Habakkuk  between  621  and  615  b.  c. ;  but,  as  Bet- 
teridge  has  pointed  out,38  that  date  is  open  to  serious  ob¬ 
jection:  (1)  After  626  b.  c.  the  hold  of  Assyria  on  the 
Palestinian  states  relaxed;  hence,  the  description  in  1.  2- 
4,  if  it  applies  to  the  Assyrian,  was  unsuitable  after  that 
date.  (2)  The  knowledge  of  the  Chaldeans  presupposed 
in  1.  5ff.  was  impossible  as  early  as  621  or  615  b.  c., 
since  they  did  not  enter  upon  the  conquests  revealing  the 
character  of  their  warfare  until  some  years  later.  Bet- 
teridge,  also  assuming  that  the  Assyrians  are  the  op¬ 
pressors,  suggests  a  date  about  701  b.  c.,  in  connection 

unity  of  the  book,  interprets  it  as  the  work  of  a  prince  of  Judah,  who 
lived  as  a  hostage  at  the  court  in  Nineveh,  had  experienced  the  attack 
upon  Nineveh  in  625  b.  c.  (see  above,  p.  501)  and  saw  its  final  doom 
approaching.  The  book,  he  thinks,  was  written  about  609  b.  c.,  on  the 
receipt  of  the  news  of  Josiah’s  death,  the  author  expecting  that  the 
destruction  of  Nineveh  would  bring  deliverance  to  his  own  people,  and, 
perhaps,  raise  him  to  the  throne.  (3)  Duhm,  also  discovering  a  certain 
unity  in  the  book,  sees  in  it  a  collection  of  six  poems  from  the  time  of 
Alexander  the  Great  (1.  2-4;  5-1 1;  12-17;  2.  1-3;  4-20;  3.  2-16  (  +  17-19). 
(4)  Happel  believes  that  the  book  in  its  present  form  is  the  work  of  a 
Maccabean  writer  who  made  use  of  earlier  prophetic  elements,  namely, 
1.  6-1 1 ;  2.  5-8;  3.  3-15.  (5)  Marti  distinguishes  three  stages  in  the 

growth  of  the  book:  (a)  About  605  Habakkuk  announced  the  coming  of 
the  Chaldeans  as  instruments  in  the  hands  of  Yahweh  to  execute  judg¬ 
ment  upon  the  rebellious  in  Judah  (1.  5-10,  14-16;  the  original  reference 
of  1.  1  is  to  this  utterance);  ( b )  toward  the  close  of  the  exile  were  added 
the  woes  in  2.  5-19  and  1.  11,  12b;  (c)  in  the  second  century  were  added 

1.  2-4,  12a,  13;  2.  1-4,  and  1.  17  as  a  connecting  link  between  1.  14-16  and 

2.  1-4;  also  the  prayer  in  chapter  3. 

36  This  discussion  concerns  itself  only  with  the  date  of  the  genuine 
utterances. 

37  See  above,  pp.  510-514. 

38  American  Journal  of  Theology,  1903,  pp.  647fF. 

519 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


with  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  by  Sennacherib.39  If  Habak- 
kuk  prophesied  against  the  Assyrians,  the  latter  is  the 
more  suitable  date,  but,  as  has  been  brought  out  in  the 
discussion  of  the  interpretation  of  the  book,  there  is 
every  reason  for  believing  that  the  Assyrians  were  not 
in  the  thought  of  the  prophet. 

If  the  prophecy  is  directed  against  Egypt,  the  years 
between  608  and  604  offer  the  only  suitable  occasion. 
In  the  former  year  Necoh,  Pharaoh  of  Egypt,  conquered 
and  slew  Josiah,  and  asserted  his  sovereignty  by  deposing 
Jehoahaz,  whom  the  people  had  chosen  as  Josiah’s  suc¬ 
cessor,  and  placing  Jehoiakim  on  the  throne.  In  604 
the  Egyptians  suffered  a  decisive  defeat  at  the  hands  of 
the  Chaldeans,  which  brought  the  Egyptian  rule  in  Judah 
to  an  end.  The  only  opportunity  of  oppressing  Judah 
that  Egypt  had  was  during  the  period  between  the  two 
dates  indicated,  consequently  the  denunciation  in  1.  2-4 
could  come  only  from  those  years.  But  can  the  op¬ 
pressors  be  identified  with  the  Egyptians? 

Those  who  identify  the  oppressors  condemned  in  1.  2- 
4  with  the  Chaldeans  are  compelled  to  assign  the  prophecy 
to  a  date  later  than  the  defeat  of  the  Egyptians  at 
Carchemish  in  604  b.  c.,  for  it  was  only  after  this  test 
of  strength  that  the  Chaldeans  entered  upon  a  policy 
of  world  conquest.  Moreover,  the  descriptions  in  1.  2- 
4,  12-16;  2.  8-19  presuppose  the  lapse  of  considerable 
time,  during  which  the  Chaldeans  oppressed  Judah  and 
subdued  other  nations.  Consequently,  on  this  theory, 

39  2  Kings  1 8,  19.  The  announcement  that  the  Chaldeans  will  execute 
the  judgment  he  connects  with  Chaldean  uprisings,  rumors  of  which,  he 
thinks,  caused  Sennacherib  to  raise  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  (2  Kings  19. 
6,  7;  Isa.  37.  6,  7).  He  believes  that  the  prophet  acquired  his  familiarity 
with  the  Chaldean  methods  of  warfare  during  earlier  uprisings  under 
M  erodach-baladan . 


520 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


Nowack  is  undoubtedly  right  in  bringing  the  prophecy 
down  to  the  years  following  the  first  exile  in  597  b.  c.,  or, 
as  he  says,  in  round  numbers  about  590  b.  c.  But  does  1. 
2-4  refer  to  oppression  by  the  Chaldeans? 

A  different  date  must  be  sought  if  the  interpretation 
accepted  by  the  present  writer  and  set  forth  in  another 
connection  is  correct.40  The  reference  to  the  Chaldeans 
in  1.  5-1 1  suggests:  (1)  that  at  the  time  the  threat  was 
uttered  the  Chaldeans  had  not  yet  come  into  direct  con¬ 
tact  with  Judah,  and  (2)  that  they  had  already  given 
exhibitions  of  the  cruel  character  of  their  warfare.  Now 
the  years  following  the  overthrow  of  Nineveh  in  607/606 
and  the  defeat  of  the  Egyptian  armies  at  Carchemish  in 
604  offered  abundant  opportunity  for  becoming  ac¬ 
quainted  with  the  merciless  cruelties  of  Chaldean  war¬ 
fare.  It  would  seem  best,  therefore,  to  assign  the  activ¬ 
ity  of  Habakkuk  to  a  date  shortly  before  600  b.  c. 

The  Prophet  and  the  Significance  of  his  Message. 
While  the  book  itself  throws  little  light  on  the  person 
and  life  of  the  prophet,  and  the  rest  of  the  Old  Testa¬ 
ment  is  silent  concerning  him,  numerous  legends  have 
grown  up  around  the  name.  The  identification  of  the 
prophet  with  the  son  of  the  Shunammite  woman,  already 
mentioned,  is  one.  Another,  connecting  Isa.  21.  6  with 
Hab.  2.  1  makes  Habakkuk  the  watchman  set  by  Isaiah 
to  watch  for  the  fall  of  Babylon.  One  of  the  recensions 
of  the  Septuagint  text  of  the  apocryphal  Bel  and  the 
Dragon  declares  that  the  story  was  taken  “from  the 
prophecy  of  Habakkuk  the  son  of  Jesus,  of  the  tribe  of 
Levi.”41  We  do  not  know  what  authority  there  may  be 

40  See  above,  pp.  513,  514. 

41  The  reference  may  be  to  an  otherwise  unknown  apocryphal  book 
ascribed  to  Habakkuk. 


521 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


for  calling  his  father  Jesus.  The  claim  that  he  was  of 
the  tribe  of  Levi  may  be  an  inference  from  the  musical 
note  at  the  end  of  the  third  chapter.  According  to  the 
Lives  of  the  Prophets*2  he  belonged  to  Beth-zoher,  or, 
Beth-zaber,  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon.  An  interesting  story 
is  found  in  Bel  and  the  Dragon:43  “Now  there  was  in 
Jewry  the  prophet  Hambakoum,44  who  had  made  pottage, 
and  had  broken  bread  into  a  bowl,  and  was  going  into 
the  field,  for  to  bring  it  to  the  reapers.  But  the  angel  of 
the  Lord  said  unto  Hambakoum,  Go,  carry  the  dinner 
that  thou  hast  into  Babylon,  unto  Daniel,  who  is  in  the 
lions’  den.  And  Hambakoum  said,  Lord,  I  never  saw 
Babylon ;  neither  do  I  know  where  the  den  is.  Then  the 
angel  of  the  Lord  took  him  by  the  crown,  and  lifted  him 
up  by  the  hair  of  his  head,  and  with  the  blast  of  his  breath 
set  him  in  Babylon  over  the  den.  And  Hambakoum 
cried,  saying,  O  Daniel,  Daniel,  take  the  dinner  which 
God  hath  sent  thee.  And  Daniel  said,  Thou  hast  remem¬ 
bered  me,  O  God ;  neither  hast  thou  forsaken  them  that 
love  thee.  So  Daniel  arose,  and  did  eat;  and  the  angel 
of  God  set  Hambakoum  in  his  own  place  immediately.” 
According  to  the  Lives ,  Habakkuk  died  two  years  before 
the  return  of  the  exiles  from  Babylon.  All  these  legends, 
however,  have  little  or  no  historical  value. 

If  Habakkuk  prophesied  about  600  b.  c.,  he  was  a 
contemporary  of  Jeremiah;  hence  the  political,  social, 
moral,  and  religious  conditions  facing  him  formed  also 
the  background  of  Jeremiah’s  activity  and  teaching.  The 
only  passage  throwing  light  on  the  internal  affairs  of 


42  See  above,  p.  505. 

43  33-39* 

44  For  this  form  of  the  name,  see  above,  p.  508. 

522 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


Judah  is  i.  2-4, 45  while  political  conditions  in  western 
Asia,  as  they  affected  Judah,  are  described  in  1.  5- 17. 48 

Habakkuk,  like  the  other  prophets,  was  a  keen  observer 
of  his  environment,  but  the  things  he  saw,  instead  of 
furnishing  him  a  message  to  his  contemporaries,47  in¬ 
spired  him  to  challenge  the  righteousness  and  holiness  of 
Yahweh.48  He,  like  many  other  pious  souls,  was 
troubled  and  perplexed  by  the  apparent  inequalities  and 
inconsistencies  of  life  which  he  found  difficult  to  recon¬ 
cile  with  his  lofty  conception  of  Yahweh.  Nevertheless, 
he  did  not  sulk;  boldly  he  presented  his  perplexity  to 
his  God,  who  pointed  the  way  to  a  solution,  so  that  the 
prophet  came  forth  from  the  struggle  with  a  stronger  and 
more  intense  faith  in  Yahweh  and  the  ultimate  destiny 
of  his  people. 

It  is  in  connection  with  his  attempts  to  solve  the  per¬ 
plexing  problems  raised  by  the  unpunished  sins  of  his 
countrymen  and  the  unlimited  successes  of  the  godless 
Chaldeans  that  the  prophet  gives  expression  to  two 
sublime  truths :  ( 1 )  The  universality  of  the  moral  gov¬ 
ernment  of  Yahweh.  Though  Habakkuk  believes  in  a 

46  Compare  with  these  verses  Jer.  25.  3-9;  also  chapters  27  and  35. 

46  For  a  more  detailed  description,  see  vol.  I,  pp.  298-302. 

47  The  differences  between  Habakkuk  and  his  contemporary  Jeremiah 
are  very  striking:  Jeremiah  is  forever  denouncing  the  sins  of  the  people; 
of  the  Chaldeans  he  speaks  almost  exclusively  as  the  instruments  of 
Yahweh,  without  condemning  them  or  saying  much  about  their 
cruelties.  Habakkuk,  on  the  other  hand,  devotes  only  three  verses 
(1.  2-4)  to  the  sins  of  Judah,  and,  though  recognizing  the  Chaldeans  as 
Yahweh’s  instruments,  he  persistently  condemns  them  for  their  wrong¬ 
doing,  and  the  climax  of  the  prophecy  is  the  confident  assertion  of  their 
ultimate  annihilation.  In  this  emphasis  on  the  cruelties  and  doom  of 
the  oppressor  Habakkuk  resembles  Nahum. 

48  Habakkuk  resembles  the  Old  Testament  sages  more  than  he  does 
the  prophets;  he  is  a  forerunner  of  the  authors  of  Job  and  Ecclesiastes; 
compare  also  Malachi,  below,  pp.  604,  605. 

523 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


special  divine  providence  over  Israel,  he  insists  with  equal 
emphasis  that  the  destinies  of  all  nations  are  in  Yah- 
weh’s  hands.  Temporarily,  the  Chaldeans  may  worship 
other  gods,  they  may  “sacrifice  unto  their  nets”  and  burn 
incense  “unto  their  drag,”  because  by  them  “their  por¬ 
tion  is  fat  and  their  food  plenteous” ;  but  Yahweh  is  from 
everlasting,  the  Holy  One,  who  will  attest  his  supremacy 
by  utterly  destroying  the  boastful  conqueror  with  his 
idols.  (2)  “The  righteous  shall  live  by  his  faithful¬ 
ness.”49  By  faithfulness  the  prophet  means  integrity, 
fidelity,  steadfastness  in  righteousness  under  all  provoca¬ 
tions.  In  other  words,  for  the  righteous  his  integrity  and 
fidelity  constitute  elements  of  permanency,  they  cannot 
perish,  they  will  endure  forever.  Even  the  genuine  ora¬ 
cles  of  Habakkuk  justify  the  description  of  the  prophet 
as  “the  prophet  of  faith” ;  but  the  most  striking  expres¬ 
sion  of  a  living  faith  and  confidence  in  Yahweh  is  found 
in  3.  17-19 — probably  a  later  addition — which  is  unsur¬ 
passed  anywhere  in  the  Old  Testament.50 


49  2.  4.  The  thought  expressed  by  the  prophet  is  not  quite  the  same  as 
that  expressed  by  the  New  Testament  writer  who  quotes  the  words 
(Gal.  3.  11).  “Faith”  with  Paul  suggests  a  mystical  union  with  God 
through  Jesus  Christ  as  an  active  motive  of  right  conduct.  Habakkuk 
places  the  emphasis  on  what  Paul  would  regard  the  sequel  of  faith;  but 
the  former  would  undoubtedly  agree  with  the  other  prophets  in  finding 
the  source  of  the  qualities  he  stresses  in  a  vital  knowledge  of  Yahweh. 

60  Only  the  student  of  the  Hebrew  text  can  get  an  adequate  idea  of  the 
literary  excellence  of  the  book.  “The  literary  power  of  Habakkuk 
is  considerable.  Though  his  book  is  a  brief  one,  it  is  full  of  force;  his 
descriptions  are  graphic  and  powerful ;  thought  and  expression  are  alike 
poetic;  he  is  still  a  master  of  the  old  classical  style,  terse,  parallelistic, 
pregnant;  there  is  no  trace  of  the  often  prosaic  diffusiveness  which 
manifests  itself  in  the  writings  of  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel.  And  if  chapter 
3  be  his,  he  is,  moreover,  a  lyric  poet  of  high  order;  the  grand  imagery 
and  the  rhythmic  flow  of  his  ode  will  bear  comparison  with  some  of  the 
finest  productions  of  the  Hebrew  muse.” 

524 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


9.  The  Book  of  Zephaniah 

Name.  The  name  Zephaniah1  means  “Yahweh  hides,” 
or  “Yahweh  has  hidden.”  Concerning  it  G.  A.  Smith 
says :  “It  suggests  the  prophet’s  birth  in  the  'killing  time’ 
of  Manasseh,”  when  many  faithful  servants  of  Yahweh 
had  to  lay  down  their  lives  for  the  faith.2 

Contents  and  Outline.  The  book  of  Zephaniah  falls 
naturally  into  two  parts  of  unequal  length,  the  first  part3 
containing  almost  exclusively  denunciations  and  threats, 
the  second,4  promises  of  salvation  and  glorification.  The 
book  opens  with  an  announcement  of  judgment,  near  at 
hand,  that  will  involve  the  whole  world  :5  Judah,6 
Philistia,7  Moab  and  Ammon,8  Ethiopia9  and  Assyria.10 
A  special  woe  is  pronounced  upon  the  rebellious  and 
polluted  city  of  Jerusalem,  which  has  withstood  all  efforts 
to  save  her  and,  therefore,  is  doomed.11  Since  all  warn¬ 
ings  have  failed,  the  world  judgment  is  inevitable;12 
from  it  a  remnant  will  be  saved.13  The  book  closes  with 
a  picture  of  the  joy  of  the  redeemed  daughter  of  Zion.14 

Title:  Author  of  the  prophecy  (1.  1). 

I.  Threats  of  a  Universal  Judgment  (1.  2  to  3-  7). 

1.  The  day  of  Yahweh  a  day  of  terror  to  all — only  one  way  of 
escape  (1.  2  to  2.  3). 

(1)  The  world  judgment  (1.  2,  3). 

1  Hebrew,  STjIDSfc,  Sephanydh ;  Septuagint  2o<povLas,  Sophontas, 
Vulgate,  Sophontas. 


2  Compare  2  Kings  21.  16. 

9  2.  12. 

3  1.  2  to  3.  7. 

10  2.  13-15. 

4  3.  8-20. 

*■* 

GJ 

• 

M 

1 

• 

6  1.  2,  3. 

M 

M 

Gi 

• 

00 

• 

6  1.  4  to  2.  3. 

13  3-  9-13- 

7  2.  4-7- 

14  3.  14-20. 

8  2.  8-11. 

525 

PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


(2)  Judgment  upon  Judah  and  Jerusalem  (1.  4-18). 

a.  Causes  of  the  judgment  (1.  4-9). 

(a)  Religious  apostasy  (1.  4-6). 

(b)  Social  and  moral  corruption  (1.  7-9). 

b.  Wail  of  the  inhabitants  (1.  10-13). 

c.  Imminence  and  terror  of  the  judgment  (1.  14-18). 

(3)  Exhortation  to  repentance  (2.  1-3). 

2.  Judgment  upon  the  nations  (2.  4-15)* 

(1)  Philistia  (2.  4-7). 

(2)  Moab  and  Ammon  (2.  8-11). 

(3)  Ethiopia  (2.  12). 

(4)  Assyria  (2.  13-15). 

3.  Woe  upon  the  polluted  city  of  Jerusalem  (3.  1-7). 

(1)  The  city’s  religious  and  moral  apostasy  (3.  1-4). 

(2)  Yahweh’s  futile  attempts  to  win  her  affection  (3.  5-7). 

II.  Transforming  Effects  of  the  Judgment  and  the  Subsequent 

Glory  (3.  8-20). 

1.  The  world  judgment  and  its  effects  (1.  8-13). 

(1)  Inevitableness  of  the  judgment  (1.  8). 

(2)  Effect  upon  the  nations  (3.  9,  10). 

(3)  Effect  upon  Judah  (3.  11-13). 

2.  Joy  of  the  redeemed  daughter  of  Zion  (3.  14-20). 

(1)  Exhortation  to  rejoice  and  be  glad  (3.  14-17). 

(2)  Yahweh’s  glorious  promise  (3.  18-20). 

Integrity  of  the  Book.  The  originality  of  every  verse 
in  chapters  2  and  3  and  of  several  verses  in  chapter  1  has 
been  questioned  by  one  or  more  scholars.15  Stade,  who 
was  the  first,  in  more  recent  times,  to  attack  the  integrity 
of  extended  portions  of  the  book,  questioned  2.  1-3,  11 
and  the  whole  of  chapter  3. 16  Schwally  expressed  doubt 
concerning  2.  1-4  and  positively  denied  to  Zephaniah  2. 
5-12  and  chapter  3. 17  Wellhausen  suspected  2.  2,  3  and 

16  The  first  question  seems  to  have  been  raised  by  Eichhorn,  in  1824, 
who  rejected  2.  13-15  as  alien  to  the  prophet’s  thought;  Vort,  in  1865, 
rejected  2.  7-1 1  and  3.  14-20. 

16  Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel ,  I,  p.  644. 

17  Zeitschrift  fuer  Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft ,  1890,  pp.  165-240. 

526 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


rejected  2.  7  (in  part),  8-1 1,  and  chapter  3. 18  Budde 
rejected  as  secondary  2.  4-15;  3.  9,  10,  14-20.19  Com¬ 
ing  down  to  still  more  recent  writers  we  find  that  Nowack 
questions,  in  addition  to  a  few  sentences  in  chapter  1, 
2.  7  (in  part),  8-1 1,  15;  3.  9,  10,  14-20 ;20  G.  A.  Smith 
rejects  2.  8-1 1;  3.  9,  10,  14-20  ;21  A.  B.  Davidson  be¬ 
lieves  that  2.  4-15  may  in  various  places  have  been  ex¬ 
panded,  but  that  in  substance  these  verses  come  from 
Zephaniah;  he  expresses  doubt  concerning  3.  9,  14-20  ;22 
Driver  is  inclined  to  reject  2.  11 ;  3.  9,  10;  and  expresses 
doubts  concerning  3.  14-20,  especially  verses  18-20. 23 
Marti  assigns  to  Zephaniah  the  following  verses,  in  the 
order  here  given:  1.  7,  2,  3  (in  part),  4,  5,  8  (in  part), 
11  (in  part),  12,  13  (in  part),  14-16,  17  (in  part);  2. 
1,  2  (in  part),  4,  5-7,  12-14.  He  thinks  that  3.  1-7  was 
added  during  the  postexilic  period ;  other  additions  were 
made  in  the  second  century  b.  c.  when  the  book  passed 
through  the  hands  of  a  redactor;  2.  11  and  3,  9,  10 
he  considers  the  latest  additions.24  J.  M.  P.  Smith  sums 
up  his  conclusion  regarding  the  presence  of  secondary 
elements — in  addition  to  minor  glosses — in  these  words : 
“The  oracle  against  Moab  and  Ammon,  2.  8,  9,  is 
relegated  to  later  times  since  its  phraseology  presupposes 
the  conditions  of  the  exile  as  actually  existing.  An  ex¬ 
pansion  of  this  oracle  is  found  in  2.  10,  11.  The  fall  of 
Nineveh  is  taken  for  granted  in  2.  15,  which  is  therefore 
placed  after  that  event.  In  the  third  chapter  the  only 

18  Die  Kleinen  Propheten ,  Zephanja. 

19  Studien  und  Kritiken ,  1893,  pp.  393-399. 

20  Die  Kleinen  Propheten ,  Zephanja. 

21  The  Minor  Prophets ,  Zephaniah. 

22  Nahum ,  Hahakkuk ,  and  Zephaniah. 

23  Encyclopaedia  Biblica,  article  “Zephaniah.” 

u  Das  Dodekapropheton,  Zephanja. 

527 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


original  matter  is  found  in  verses  1-5.  Verses  6,  7  may 
possibly  be  old  material ;  but  in  that  case  they  are  out  of 
place  in  their  present  context.  Verses  8-13  are  a  post- 
exilic  addition,  in  which  is  now  included  a  gloss,  9,  10, 
revealing  a  different  attitude  toward  the  heathen  and 
interrupting  the  continuity  of  thought  between  verses  8 
and  11.  Verses  14-20  are  another  addition  from  post- 
exilic  times,  which  has  likewise  undergone  some  inner  ex¬ 
pansion.”25 

An  examination  of  the  views  here  outlined  and  of  the 
conclusions  of  other  scholars  shows  that  the  passages 
questioned  or  rejected  with  greatest  persistency  are  2.  1- 
3,  4-15,  especially  8-1 1;  3.  9,  10  and  14-20;  and  these 
demand  somewhat  more  detailed  consideration. 

The  principal  objection  urged  against  2.  1-3  is  the 
presence  in  2.  3  of  the  expressions  “meek  of  the  earth” 
and  “seek  meekness” ;  for  it  is  claimed  that  “meek”  and 
“meekness”  as  religious  terms  are  postexilic.  Of  course, 
it  cannot  be  proved  that  Zephaniah  might  not  have  used 
the  words,26  and  yet  the  interpretation  of  verse  3  as  a 
later  gloss  would  leave  a  somewhat  more  consistent 
exhortation,  especially  if  verses  1  and  2  are  taken  as  the 
conclusion  of  the  appeal  in  chapter  i.27  With  verse  3 
removed  the  second  objection,  based  on  the  difference  in 
general  tone,  in  so  far  as  it  has  any  weight,28  also  dis- 

25  Zephaniah ,  p.  173. 

26  The  word  “meek"  occurs  in  Num.  12.  3  (compare  Isa.  11.  4),  and 
meekness,  or  a  humble  attitude  toward  Yahweh,  is  emphasized  during 
the  preexilic  period  as  a  divine  requirement  (Exod.  10.  3;  Isa.  2.  9!!.; 
compare  Mic.  6.  8). 

27  This  is  preferable  to  J.  M.  P.  Smith’s  interpretation  of  the  verses  as 
the  beginning  of  the  threat  against  Nineveh. 

28  In  part  the  argument  springs  from  the  contention  that  no  promises 
of  a  bright  future  come  from  the  period  before  the  exile.  For  a  more 
detailed  discussion  of  this  question,  see  above,  vol.  I,  pp.  1 37-139. 

528 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


appears.29  In  other  words,  there  is  insufficient  reason  for 
questioning  verses  i  and  2. 

The  several  oracles,  which  make  up  2.  4-15,  may  be 
considered  separately.  The  first  threat,  against  Philistia, 
in  2.  4-7,  is  quite  intelligible  in  the  days  of  Zephaniah,  for 
the  Scythians,  whom  the  prophet  had  in  mind,  might  be 
expected  to  pass  right  through  the  land  of  the  Philistines. 
Only  verse  7  introduces  an  unexpected  idea,  and  there 
may  be  good  reason  for  regarding  it  as  a  postexilic  ex¬ 
pansion  of  verses  4-6. 

The  oracle  against  Moab  and  Ammon,  in  2.  8-1 1,  is 
rejected  for  the  following  reasons:  (1)  The  two  nations 
were  far  removed  from  the  route  taken  by  the  Scythians. 
(2)  The  “reproaches”  referred  to  in  2.  8,  10  presuppose 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.30  (3)  The  attitude  of  the 
prophet  toward  Judah,  as  reflected  in  verses  9  and  10, 
is  the  exact  opposite  of  the  sentiment  expressed  in  chap¬ 
ter  1.  (4)  The  Kinah  verse,  which  predominates  in  the 

rest  of  the  section,  is  absent  from  verses  8-1 1.  (5) 

Verse  12  is  the  natural  continuation  of  verse  7,  or,  if 
verse  7  is  rejected,  of  verse  6.  In  reply  it  may  be  said: 
( 1 )  While  it  is  true  that  Moab  and  Ammon  were  not  in 
the  direct  line  of  the  Scythian  advance  against  Egypt, 
a  world  judgment  could  hardly  be  executed  without  a 
deviation  from  a  straight  line  of  march  in  the  direction 
of  Egypt.  Moreover,  if  the  prophet  thought  of  a  world 
judgment,  was  it  not  perfectly  natural  that  he  should 
name,  among  the  nations  doomed,  these  two  long  time 

29  The  principal  difficulties  are  due  to  corruption  of  the  text ;  but  for  a 
more  detailed  discussion  of  the  textual  problems  recent  commentaries 
should  be  consulted. 

30  Compare  Ezek.  25.  3,  6,  8.  “It  surprises/'  says  Wellhausen,  “that 
the  Moabites  and  Ammonites  should  have  mocked  and  looked  down  upon 
the  Jews  as  early  as  the  days  of  Josiah.” 

529 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


enemies  of  his  people?  (2)  It  is  by  no  means  certain 
that  the  “reproaches”  presuppose  the  calamity  of  586 
b.  c. ;  they  may  refer  to  expressions  of  hostility  such  as 
are  alluded  to  again  and  again  in  the  Old  Testament.31 
If  the  prophecy  came  from  a  period  subsequent  to  the 
fall  of  Jerusalem,  silence  concerning  Edom  would  be 
very  peculiar.32  (3)  The  argument  based  upon  a  differ¬ 
ence  in  the  prophetic  attitude  applies  only  to  a  portion  of 
the  passage;  if  the  disturbing  elements  are  removed,  the 
oracle  becomes  perfectly  consistent  with  the  universally 
accepted  genuine  utterances  of  Zephaniah.  (4)  True, 
the  present  Hebrew  text  is  not  in  the  Kinah  meter;33  but 
(a)  Have  we  a  right  to  expect  absolute  metrical  con¬ 
sistency  in  oratory?  and  ( b )  may  not  the  apparent  incon¬ 
sistency  be  due  to  corruption  of  the  text  or  to  a  later 
expansion  of  an  authentic  utterance?  (5)  An  interrup¬ 
tion  of  the  thought  can  be  charged  only  by  those  who 
assume  that  the  prophet  meant  to  enumerate  the  nations 
in  the  order  in  which  the  Scythians  might  be  expected  to 
reach  their  territory — from  Philistia  they  might  be  ex¬ 
pected  to  pass  immediately  to  Ethiopia — Egypt.  Is  the 
underlying  assumption  warranted  ?  But  while  the  argu¬ 
ments  against  the  whole  of  verses  8-1 1  are  in  no  sense 
conclusive,  suspicions  against  verses  10  and  11,  and  pos¬ 
sibly  9b,  are  not  without  justification:  (1)  In  view  of 
the  tone  of  chapter  1,  the  promise  to  Judah  seems  out  of 
place  in  this  connection.  (2)  Verse  12  forms  a  more 

31  Num.  22ff.;  Judg.  3.  I2ff.;  10.  7ft.;  1  Sam.  n.  1-5;  2  Sam.  8.  2; 
Amos  1.  13-15;  2.  1-3;  Isa.  16.  5;  25.  10;  Jer.  48.  29;  Deut.  23.  3-8. 

32  “It  is  highly  improbable,”  says  Davidson,  “that  a  threat  of  judg¬ 
ment  on  the  nations,  uttered  during  the  exile,  would  fail  to  include 
Edom.” 

33  For  a  description  of  the  Kinah  meter  see  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Psalms 
and  Other  Sacred  Writings,  pp.  22,  23. 

530 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


natural  continuation  of  verse  9,  more  especially,  of  9a. 
(3)  In  verses  8,  9  Yahweh  is  the  speaker,  so  also  in 
verse  12;  in  verses  10,  n  he  is  spoken  of  in  the  third 
person.  (4)  The  lofty  ideal  expressed  in  verse  11  is 
more  in  harmony  with  the  thought  of  a  later  age.  The 
present  writer  feels  that  the  threat  against  Moab  and 
Ammon  should  be  retained,  but  that  in  its  present  form 
it  is  of  later  date,  and  that  verses  10  and  11  and  possibly 
9b  are  later  additions.  The  arguments  against  the  oracles 
concerning  Ethiopia  and  Assyria,  in  verses  12-15,  are  'm 
no  sense  conclusive. 

The  condemnation  of  Jerusalem  in  3.  1-7  so  closely 
resembles,  in  spirit  and  substance,  chapter  1  that  objec¬ 
tions  to  the  originality  of  these  verses  cannot  be  accepted 
as  conclusive  ;34  but  much  uncertainty  exists  both  regard¬ 
ing  the  meaning  and  the  origin  of  the  rest  of  chapter  3. 
In  the  undoubtedly  genuine  utterances  of  Zephaniah  one 
and  the  same  fate  is  announced  for  Judah  and  the  other 
nations  of  the  earth ;  in  verse  8  a  discrimination  is  made : 
the  nations  will  be  destroyed  for  the  benefit  of  Judah. 
The  introduction  of  this  promise,  following  immediately 
upon  the  condemnation  of  Jerusalem  in  verses  iff.  seems 
rather  abrupt;  especially,  since  it  is  by  no  means  certain 
that  the  words  can  be  interpreted  as  addressed  only  to 
the  righteous  remnant  within  Judah.  Perhaps  verse  8 
represents  an  original  utterance  of  Zephaniah,35  which 
subsequently  was  modified  in  the  interests  of  Judah. 
Verses  9  and  10  are  rejected  by  most  modern  com¬ 
mentators  as  foreign  to  the  context  and,  thus,  as  inter- 

34  See  J.  M.  P.  Smith,  Zephaniah ,  pp.  243,  244;  there  remains  some 
question  regarding  the  relation  of  verses  6,  7  to  the  preceding  verses. 

35  If  verse  8  is  interpreted  as  addressed  ironically  to  all  the  inhabitants 
of  Judah,  the  promise  element  disappears,  and  with  it  the  principal 
objection  against  its  originality  (Nowack,  Zephanja,  p.  292). 

531 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


rupting  the  connection  between  verses  8  and  n.  Even 
Davidson,  usually  very  cautious  and  conservative,  thinks 
that  the  omission  of  at  least  verse  io  would  add  force 
and  dignity  to  the  utterance.36  Verses  11-13  contain  an 
announcement  of  the  conversion  of  a  remnant,  which  is 
not  necessarily  foreign  to  Zephaniah’s  thought  though, 
it  must  be  admitted,  most  modern  commentators  relegate 
them,  like  all  similar  promises  in  preexilic  prophecies,  to 
the  postexilic  period.  The  closing  verses,  14-20,  are 
similar  in  tone  to  Mic.  7.  7-20. 37  The  buoyant  tone  of 
the  passage  forms  a  marked  contrast  to  the  somber,  quiet 
strain  of  verses  11-13 ;  the  judgments  upon  Judah  appear 
to  be  in  the  past;38  verses  18-20  seem  to  presuppose  a 
scattering  of  the  people  of  Judah,  while  the  purifying 
judgment  of  verses  11-13  falls  upon  the  people  in  their 
own  land;  hence  there  is  much  justice  in  Davidson’s  re¬ 
mark  that  “the  historical  situation  presupposed  is  that 
of  Isa.  4off.”  On  the  whole,  the  verses  are  best  inter¬ 
preted  as  a  “new  song  from  God,”  added  to  the  utter¬ 
ances  of  Zephaniah  at  a  period  subsequent  to  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem  in  586  b.  c.39 

Date  of  Zephaniah.  The  testimony  of  the  title,  that 
Zephaniah  prophesied  during  the  reign  of  Josiah,  that  is, 
between  639  and  608  b.  c.,  is  accepted  by  practically  all 


36  The  present  writer  defended  the  originality  of  verses  9  and  10  in  his 
commentary  on  the  Minor  Prophets,  p.  541,  but  the  interpretation  there 
given  seems  less  satisfactory  to  him  now. 

37  See  above,  pp.  484-486.  The  statements  made  there  are,  in 
substance,  applicable  here. 

38  Verse  15. 

39  Of  course  the  bare  possibility  of  Zephaniah’s  authorship  cannot  be 
denied.  The  passage  is  highly  poetic,  and  in  the  portrayal  of  the 
ideal  future  the  imagination  must  have  played  a  part.  Is  it  legitimate  to 
place  limitations  upon  the  enlightened  imagination  of  a  genius? 

532 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


scholars  as  historically  correct.40  But  if  the  prophet’s 
activity  continued  for  a  short  time  only,  may  it  be  located 
more  definitely  within  the  period  of  thirty-one  years 
covered  by  Josiah’s  rule?  The  reform  of  621  divides 
the  reign  of  Josiah  into  two  parts.  Does  the  work  of 
Zephaniah  belong  to  the  earlier  or  to  the  later  period  ? 

In  favor  of  the  later  date  the  following  arguments 
have  been  advanced  :41  ( 1 )  Deut.  28,  29,  30  is  quoted  in 
Zeph.  1.  13,  15,  17  in  a  manner  that  shows  the  former 
book  to  have  been  well  known;  but  the  Law,  which  is 
identified  with  the  Deuteronomie  Code,  was  unknown, 
because  lost,  prior  to  621  b.  c.  (2)  The  “remnant  of 
Baal,”  in  1.  4,  points  to  a  period  when  much  of  the  Baal 
worship  had  been  removed;  which  means,  after  the  re¬ 
form  movement  in  621  b.  c.  (3)  The  condemnation  of 
the  “king’s  sons,”  in  1.  8,  presupposes  that  at  the  time 
the  words  were  spoken  they  had  attained  the  age  of 
moral  responsibility;  which,  on  account  of  the  age  of 
Josiah  at  the  time  of  his  accession,42  again  points  to  the 

40  The  most  important  exception  is  Koenig  ( Einleitung ,  p.  352), 
who  dates  the  prophecy  in  the  decade  following  the  death  of  Josiah. 
But  his  arguments  in  favor  of  the  later  date  find  their  sole  strength  in 
improbable  interpretations.  For  instance,  he  thinks  that  2.  15  pre¬ 
supposes  the  fall  of  Nineveh  as  an  accomplished  fact;  that  the  condem¬ 
nation  of  the  Ethiopians,  in  2.  12 — he  identifies  them  with  the  Egyptians 
— was  called  forth  by  the  carrying  away  of  Jehoahaz  (2  Kings  23.  34); 
that  3.  8  points  to  the  advance  of  Nebuchadrezzar  against  Jerusalem 
in  597  b.  c.  But  none  of  Koenig’s  arguments  are  in  any  sense  con¬ 
clusive,  while  all  the  internal  evidence  points  to  Josiah’s  reign.  Zeph- 
aniah’s  silence  concerning  the  king  in  his  condemnation  of  the  corrupt 
court  practices  (1.  8,  9)  can  hardly  be  accidental;  if  it  is  intentional,  it 
points  to  a  time  when  the  throne  was  occupied  by  a  virtuous  and  God¬ 
fearing  monarch  like  Josiah. 

41  Most  recent  scholars  favor  the  earlier  date;  among  those  accepting 
the  later  date  are  Delitzsch,  Kleinert,  Schwally,  Schulz  and  Lippi. 

42  Josiah  was  eight  years  old  when  he  came  to  the  throne  (2  Kings 
22.  1). 


533 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


later  period.  These  arguments  are  inconclusive:  (i)  It 
is  always  difficult  to  prove  which  one  of  two  similar 
passages  is  dependent  on  the  other.  In  this  case  the  re¬ 
semblances  are  of  such  a  general  character  that  depend¬ 
ence  of  either  passage  on  the  other  is  improbable.  (2) 
The  expression  “remnant  of  Baal/’  in  1.  4,  if  rightly 
interpreted,  was  equally  appropriate  before  621  b.  c.43 
(3)  The  expression  “king’s  sons,”  in  1.  8,  may  be  equi¬ 
valent  to  “royal  princes,”  without  reference  to  Josiah’ s 
children.44 

While  the  arguments  commonly  urged  in  favor  of  the 
later  date  have  little  force,  there  are  several  considera¬ 
tions  pointing  strongly  to  the  years  prior  to  621  b.  c.  : 

( 1 )  The  youth  of  the  king  would  make  it  relatively  easy 
for  the  royal  princes,  some  of  whom  were  older  than 
the  king,  to  indulge  in  the  excesses  condemned  in  1.  8,  9. 

(2)  The  idolatrous  practices  condemned  in  1.  3,  5  were 
precisely  those  abolished  by  Josiah  in  621,  and  while 
traces  of  them  may  have  remained  here  and  there,  the 

43  There  are  three  possible  interpretations  which  would  make  the  use 

of  the  expression  quite  appropriate  before  621:  (1)  “The  remnant" 

may  mean  “every  vestige;"  that  is,  everything  there  is  of  it;  which 
would  make  the  threat  equivalent  to  “I  will  cut  off  Baal  worship  till 
not  a  trace  of  it  is  left."  (2)  Even  if  “remnant”  is  taken  as  equivalent 
to  “that  which  has  survived,"  it  does  not  necessarily  take  us  to  a  date 
later  than  621;  for,  while  the  religious  reform  reached  its  climax  during 
that  year,  Josiah,  having  been  under  prophetic  influence  from  the  time 
of  his  accession,  undoubtedly  made  a  beginning  earlier,  and  there 
seems  no  good  reason  for  doubting  the  essential  correctness  of  2  Chron. 
34.  3,  4,  which  states  that  in  the  twelfth  year  of  his  reign  Josiah  “broke 
down  the  altars  of  the  Baalim";  hence  at  any  time  subsequent  to  627 
one  might  speak  of  a  “remnant  of  Baal."  (3)  Baal  might  be  regarded 
as  a  type  of  all  false  worship;  if  so,  the  expression  might  be  used  before 
as  well  as  after  62 1  b.  c. 

44  The  last  two  objections  lose  all  their  force  if  the  Septuagint  readings 
are  substituted — in  the  first  case,  “the  names  of  Baal"  (compare  Hos. 
2.  16,  17),  in  the  second,  “the  house  of  the  king.” 

534 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


wholesale  condemnation  would  be  inexplicable  during 
Josiah’s  reign  after  that  date.45  (3)  The  temper  de¬ 
scribed  in  1.  12  is  explicable  before  621  and  after  the 
death  of  Josiah  in  608,  but  not  between  621  and  608, 
when  religious  enthusiasm  was  widespread.  (4)  While 
the  latter  part  of  Josiah’s  reign  lacks  a  suitable  occasion, 
the  prophecy  finds  an  appropriate  background  during  the 
earlier  part. 

The  tone  of  the  entire  prophecy  makes  it  certain  that 
at  the  time  the  prophecy  was  delivered,  a  serious  crisis 
was  at  hand,  that  a  terrifying  enemy  was  threatening  the 
borders  of  Judah  and  of  the  surrounding  nations.  Now, 
during  the  latter  part  of  the  seventh  century  Judah  was 
threatened  by  three  different  nations — by  the  Scythians, 
about  625,  by  the  Egyptians,  about  608,  and  by  the  Chal¬ 
deans,  near  the  close  of  the  century,  when  Jehoiakim 
was  upon  the  throne  of  Judah.  If  the  prophecy  belongs 
to  the  reign  of  Josiah,  the  Chaldeans,  who  did  not 
become  a  prominent  factor  in  Asiatic  history  until  after 
the  death  of  Josiah,  need  not  be  considered.  Schwally 
and  others  favoring  the  later  date  think  that  the  Egyp¬ 
tians  fill  the  horizon  of  the  prophet;  but  (a)  the  descrip¬ 
tion  is  so  vague,  and  yet  the  terror  so  great  that  it  seems 
more  likely  that  the  approaching  foe  was  not  as  familiar 
to  the  prophet  as  the  Egyptians  must  have  been;  ( b )  the 
Egyptians,  though  powerful,  were  hardly  strong  enough 
during  the  closing  years  of  the  seventh  century  to  inspire 
the  expectation  that  they  would  penetrate  to  distant 
Nineveh.  Josiah  thought  that  even  he  with  his  small 
army  could  check  the  advance  of  Pharaoh-necoh.  (c) 
It  is  not  improbable  that  the  Ethiopians,  in  2.  12,  repre- 

46  The  reign  of  Jehoiakim  would  warrant  the  bitter  condemnation, 
but  the  prophecy  cannot  be  assigned  to  that  period  (See  above,  p.  533), 

535 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


sent,  or  at  least  include,  the  Egyptians,  If  so,  the  latter 
cannot  be  the  dreaded  enemy.46  If  the  Chaldeans  and 
Egyptians  are  excluded,  the  foe  must  be  the  Scythians; 
which  again  points  to  the  earlier  part  of  Josiah’s  reign, 
for  the  Scythians  swept  over  western  Asia  about  625  b.  c. 
The  mysteriousness  of  the  origin  of  the  wild  hordes  of 
the  Scythians  “clothed  them  with  just  that  vague  terrible¬ 
ness  which  characterizes  Zephaniah’s  description.”  Just 
as  Joel  saw  in  the  plague  of  locusts  a  harbinger  of  the 
day  of  Yah  well,  so  Zephaniah  saw  in  the  approach  of  the 
Scythians  the  dawn  of  the  terrible  day  when  the  present 
world-order  would  be  destroyed. 

At  the  time  the  prophecy  was  delivered  the  advance  of 
the  Scythians  against  Egypt  seems  to  have  been  still  in 
the  future,  but  imminent;47  hence  the  prophet’s  activity 
may  be  placed  between  630  and  625,  perhaps  in  626  b.  c. 
If  this  is  the  correct  date,  Zephaniah  and  Jeremiah  began 
their  ministries  in  the  same  year.48 

Times  of  the  Prophet.  The  political  situation  of  Judah 
which  forms  the  background  of  Zephaniah’s  prophecies 
is  described  in  connection  with  Jeremiah;49  hence  little 
needs  to  be  said  here,  except,  perhaps,  a  few  additional 
words  regarding  the  Scythians,  a  non-Semitic  race  of 
barbarians,  who  swept  in  great  hordes  over  western  Asia 
during  the  seventh  century  b.  c.50  According  to  Herod- 

46  A.  B.  Davidson  says:  “An  historical  nation  like  Egypt,  which  had 
always  lain  within  Israel’s  horizon,  was  not  fitted  to  be  the  executor  of 
Yahweh’s  judgment  upon  the  known  world.” 

47  1.  14. 

48  It  is  thought  by  many  that  the  earlier  utterances  of  Jeremiah  had 
their  origin  in  the  Scythian  crisis  (See  on  Jeremiah ,  footnote  34). 

49  See  vol.  I,  pp.  298-302.  For  an  outline  of  events  between  661 
and  606  b.  c.  see  J.  M.  P.  Smith,  Zephaniah ,  pp.  159-165. 

50  See  above,  p.  501.  Encyclopedia  Biblica,  article  “Scythians”; 
R.  W.  Rogers,  History  of  Babylonia  and  Assyriat  II,  p.  289. 

536 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


otus,51  they  were  masters  of  western  Asia  from  the 
Caucasus  to  the  borders  of  Egypt  for  twenty-eight  years. 
When  they  threatened  to  invade  Egypt  the  Pharaoh, 
Psammetichus,  prevailed  upon  them  by  rich  gifts  to 
desist.52  Tradition  describes  them  as  cruel  and  blood¬ 
thirsty,  ruthless  destroyers  of  everyone  and  everything 
that  came  into  their  way.  Well  might  Zephaniah  tremble 
when  he  heard  of  the  approach  of  these  merciless  bar¬ 
barians. 

The  utterances  of  Zephaniah,  though  few  and  brief,  do 
not  leave  us  in  doubt  concerning  social,  moral,  and  reli¬ 
gious  conditions  in  his  day.53  Social  injustice  and  moral 
corruption  were  widespread;54  luxury  and  extravagance 
were  to  be  seen  on  every  hand,  and  fortunes  were  heaped 
up  by  the  cruel  oppression  of  the  poor.55  The  religious 
situation  was  equally  bad.  The  reaction  under  Manasseh 
came  near  making  an  end  of  Yahweh  worship  ;56  Amon 
followed  in  the  footsteps  of  his  father,  so  that  the  out¬ 
look  was  exceedingly  dark  when  Josiah  ascended  the 
throne.  Fortunately,  the  latter  was  under  prophetic 
influence  from  the  beginning  and,  assisted  by  the  faith¬ 
ful  within  the  nation,  undertook  a  sweeping  religious 
reform,  which  reached  its  culmination  in  the  eighteenth 
year  of  his  reign.  When  Zephaniah  prophesied  the 
reform  was  still  in  the  future,  and  his  utterances  give  a 


61 1.  losff. 

62  Breasted  thinks  that  it  was  not  gold  but  the  strong  arm  of  Psam¬ 
metichus  that  drove  the  Scythians  from  the  borders  of  Egypt  {History 
of  Egypt,  p.  580). 

63  Additional  information  may  be  secured  from  the  early  discourses  of 
Jeremiah  and  from  2  Kings  21  to  23. 

64  3*  r»  3»  7- 
66  1.  8,  9. 

66  2  ICings  21. 


537 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


fair  idea  of  the  corrupt  state  of  religion:  The  Baalim 
were  worshiped  and  the  high  places  flourished,57  the  hosts 
of  heaven  were  adored  upon  the  housetops,58  a  half- 
hearted  Yahweh  worship  was  practiced,59  while  multi¬ 
tudes  turned  entirely  from  following  Yahweh.60 
When  the  reactionary  Manasseh  was  allowed  to  sit  un¬ 
disturbed  upon  the  throne  for  more  than  half  a  century, 
many  grew  skeptical  and  began  to  wonder  if  Yahweh 
took  any  interest  at  all  in  the  affairs  of  the  nation.61 
Conditions  could  not  be  otherwise  since  the  religious 
leaders  had  become  misleaders.62 

The  Prophet.  The  title,  i.  i,  which  is  undoubtedly  a 
later  addition,  by  the  compiler  of  the  book  of  The  Twelve, 
supplies  the  only  available  direct  information  concern¬ 
ing  the  person  and  life  of  the  prophet  Zephaniah.  In 
addition,  a  few  facts  concerning  his  life  may  be  gathered 
from  his  utterances.  From  the  fact  that,  contrary  to 
general  Old  Testament  practice,63  the  prophet’s  ancestry 
is  traced  back  four  generations,64  the  inference  has  been 
drawn  that  the  last-named  ancestor,  Hezekiah,  was  a  man 
of  prominence;  indeed,  none  other  than  king  Hezekiah 
of  Judah,  the  contemporary  of  Isaiah  and  Micah.65  Two 
objections  have  been  urged  against  the  identification :  ( i ) 
The  omission  of  the  title  “king  of  Judah”  after  the  name 
“Hezekiah.”  The  omission  can  easily  be  explained  as  due 


67  i.  4. 

68  1.  5- 

69  1.  5. 

60  1.  6. 


61  “Yahweh  will  not  do  good,  neither  will  he  do  evil”  (1.  12). 

62  3-  4. 

63  Compare  Isa.  1.  1;  Jer.  1.  1;  Hos.  1.  1;  etc. 

64  1.  1. 


65  Isa.  36  to  39;  2  Kings  18  to  20;  compare  Jer.  26.  18. 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


to  the  presence  of  the  same  title  in  connection  with 
Josiah’s  name;  a  repetition  would  have  made  the  sentence 
awkward.  (2)  The  fact  that  in  the  ruling  line  only  two 
generations  appear  between  Hezekiah  and  Josiah,  namely, 
Manasseh  and  Amon,  while  between  Hezekiah  and 
Zephaniah  three  names  occur,  namely,  Amariah,  Geda- 
liah,  and  Cushi.  However,  Manasseh  had  a  very  long 
reign,  and  he  was  forty-five  years  of  age  when  Amon 
was  born;66  which  leaves  enough  room  for  an  additional 
generation  in  another  line  of  the  same  family.  If 
Zephaniah  was  of  royal  blood,  his  condemnation  of  the 
royal  princes,67  with  whose  conduct  he  appears  to  have 
been  intimately  familiar,68  becomes  of  great  interest.69 

An  ancient  tradition70  declares  that  he  was  of  the  tribe 
of  Simeon,  which  would  make  it  impossible  for  him  to 
have  been  of  royal  blood;  but  the  origin  and  value  of 
the  tradition  are  uncertain.  Undoubtedly  he  lived  in  the 
southern  kingdom;  that  he  lived  in  Jerusalem  may  be 
inferred  from  the  statement,  “I  will  cut  off  from  this 
place”71  as  well  as  from  his  intimate  knowledge  of  the 
topography  of  the  city.72  The  length  of  his  prophetic 
ministry  is  unknown;  however,  it  is  not  improbable  that, 
as  in  the  case  of  Amos,  his  public  activity  was  short,  and 
that,  after  delivering  his  message  of  judgment  in  con¬ 
nection  with  a  great  crisis,  he  retired  to  private  life, 

66  Compare  2  Kings  21.  1,  19. 

67  1.  8. 

68  1.  8ff. 

69  In  a  similar  manner  Isaiah,  who  may  have  been  of  royal  blood,  and 
certainly  was  of  high  social  standing  (see  vol.  I,  p.  198),  condemned 
without  hesitation  the  shortcomings  of  the  rulers  and  the  court  in  his 
day. 

70  In  the  Lives  of  the  Prophets ,  Chapter  X;  see  above,  p.  505. 

71  1.  4. 

72  For  instance,  1.  10,  11. 


539 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


though  his  interest  in  religious  reforms  may  have  con¬ 
tinued.73 

Teaching.  The  teaching  of  those  sections  of  the  book 
which  may  be  regarded  as  genuine,  resembles  closely  that 
of  the  earlier  prophets.  Yahweh  is  a  God  of  righteous¬ 
ness  and  holiness,  who  expects  of  his  worshipers  a  life 
in  harmony  with  his  will.  His  sway  extends  over  other 
nations,  though  Israel  is  his  chosen  people;  which,  how¬ 
ever,  on  account  of  rebellion  and  apostasy,  must  suffer 
severe  punishment.  Wholesale  conversion  seems  out  of 
the  question,  but  a  remnant  may  escape.  In  emphasizing 
these  and  similar  truths  Zephaniah  follows  in  the  foot¬ 
steps  of  his  predecessors,  especially,  as  Smend  has  pointed 
out,  Isaiah.  He  adds  little,  but  attempts,  with  much 
moral  and  spiritual  fervor,  to  impress  upon  his  con¬ 
temporaries  the  fundamental  truths  of  the  religion  of 
Yahweh.  There  is,  however,  one  point  in  the  teaching 
of  Zephaniah  that  deserves  special  mention,  namely,  his 
emphasis  on  the  Day  of  Yahweh.  Earlier  prophets  had 
spoken  of  it;  Amos  had  described  it  in  language  similar 
to  that  employed  by  Zephaniah  ;74  but  the  latter  surpasses 
all  his  predecessors  in  the  emphasis  on  this  terrible  mani¬ 
festation  of  Yahweh.  Indeed,  his  entire  teaching  centers 
around  this  day,  and  in  his  utterances  are  found  the 
germs  of  the  apocalyptic  visions  which  are  so  common 
in  later  utterances  of  an  eschatological  nature.  Concern¬ 
ing  this  day  he  says  that  (i)  it  is  a  day  of  terror;75  (2) 
it  is  imminent;76  (3)  it  comes  as  a  judgment  for  sin;77 
(4)  it  falls  upon  all  creation,  man  and  beast,  Hebrew 

73  Compare  2  Kings  23.  2. 

74  Compare  1.  15  with  Amos  5.  18-20. 

76  1.  15. 

76  1.  14. 

77  I.  17. 


540 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


and  foreigner;78  (5)  it  is  accompanied  by  great  con¬ 
vulsions  in  nature;79  (6)  from  its  terrors  only  a  remnant 
will  escape.80 

A  few  points  in  the  teaching  of  the  secondary  sec¬ 
tions  deserve  mention:  (1)  The  sublime  picture  of  the 
glories  of  the  Messianic  age,  with  which  the  book  closes, 
is  silent  concerning  the  person  of  the  Messianic  king. 
Whatever  is  accomplished  is  accomplished  by  Yahweh 
himself.  (2)  The  world  outlook  is  even  more  marked 
than  in  the  genuine  utterances.  The  terrors  of  the  day 
of  Yahweh  will  fall  upon  all;  similarly,  from  all  the 
nations  of  the  earth  converts  will  be  won  to  Yahweh,  to 
bring  offerings  to  him.81  (3)  The  statement  in  2.  11, 
“men  shall  worship  him,  every  one  from  his  place,” 
marks  an  advance  over  Isa.  2.  2;  Mic.  4.  1,  in  the  direc¬ 
tion  of  the  words  of  Jesus,  in  John  4.  21,  “the  hour 
cometh,  when  neither  in  this  mountain,  nor  in  Jeru¬ 
salem,  shall  ye  worship  the  Father.” 


10.  The  Book  of  Haggai 

Name.  The  etymology  and  meaning  of  the  name 
“Haggai”* 1  are  uncertain.  Some  render  it  “festival”  or 
“festive,”2  and  infer  from  this  translation  that  the  prophet 
was  born  on  a  festival  day;3  others  think  the  name  to  be 

78 1.  2,  3;  2.  4-15.  80  2.  3;  3.  9-13. 

79  I.  15-  81  3-  9,  10. 

1  Hebrew,  Haggay;  Septuagint,  ’ Ayyaios ,  ’Aggaios,  Vulgate 

Aggaus,  or,  Haggceus. 

2  Perhaps,  more  accurately,  “my  festival.” 

3  Andr6  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  all  four  prophecies  were 
delivered  on  feast  days  ( Le  Prophete  AggSe,  p.  8) ;  but  while  this  is  true 
of  the  first  two  utterances,  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  twenty-fourth 
day  of  the  ninth  month  was  ever  celebrated  as  a  feast  day  among  the 
Jews. 


541 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


indicative  of  “the  joyous  character  of  the  predictions 
which  the  prophet  delivered.”4  Still  others,  considering 
the  name  in  its  present  form  to  be  an  abbreviation,  give 
to  it  the  meaning  “feast  of  Yahweh.”5  While  these  sug¬ 
gestions  present  various  possibilities,  it  seems  wisest  to 
admit  that  both  derivation  and  significance  are  still 
doubtful. 

Contents  and  Outline.  The  book  contains  four  sepa¬ 
rate  utterances,  each  one  dealing  with  a  particular 
theme,6  but  all  centering  more  or  less  directly  around  a 
common  topic,  namely,  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple;  and 
an  historical  section,7  which  describes  the  effects  of  the 
first  discourse. 

Title:  The  prophet  and  his  commission  (i.  i). 

I.  Message  of  Rebuke  for  Religious  Indifference  (i.  2-11). 

1.  The  people’s  selfishness  (1.  2-4). 

2.  The  divine  displeasure;  exhortation  to  resume  building  opera¬ 

tions  (1.  5-n). 

II.  Result  of  the  Rebuke:  Building  of  the  Temple  (i.  12-15). 
1.  The  people’s  fear  (1.  12). 

4  These  explanations  assume  further  that  the  book  of  Haggai,  like 

that  of  Malachi,  was  originally  an  anonymous  work,  and  that  for  the 
reasons  indicated  the  name  was  added  at  a  later  time. 

6  Haggiyyah.  The  name  “Haggai”  has  been  found  on  a  tablet 

coming  from  the  fifth  century,  unearthed  at  Nippur. 

6  The  first,  1.  1-11,  is  a  rebuke  of  the  indifference  responsible  for  the 
neglect  of  the  Temple  and  an  exhortation  to  resume  building  operations; 
the  second,  2.  1-9,  a  description  of  the  future  glory  of  the  new  Temple; 
the  third,  2.  10-19,  a  promise  that  the  completion  of  the  Temple  will 
mark  the  dawn  of  an  era  pf  blessedness;  the  fourth,  2.  20-23,  the  an¬ 
nouncement  of  the  exaltation  of  the  civil  ruler  Zerubbabel  to  be  king  of 
the  new  kingdom  of  God. 

7  The  preaching  of  Haggai  stirred  the  consciences  of  the  people  so 
that  after  a  few  weeks  they  began  to  make  preparation  for  the  re¬ 
building  of  the  house  of  Yahweh,  1.  12-15. 

542 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


2.  Promise  of  divine  cooperation  (i.  13). 

3.  Beginning  of  the  work  (1.  14,  15). 

III.  Glory  of  the  New  Temple  (2.  1-9) 

1.  Yahweh’s  presence  with  the  builders  (2.  1-4). 

2.  The  Temple’s  future  glory  (2.  5-9). 

IV.  Completion  of  the  Temple  a  Guarantee  of  New  Blessings 

(2.  10-19) 

1.  The  unclean  more  contagious  than  the  clean  (2.  10-13). 

2.  Offerings  cannot  atone  for  the  people’s  neglectfulness  (2.  14). 

3.  Indifference — calamity;  Zeal — prosperity  (2.  15-19). 

V.  Exaltation  of  Zerubbabel  (2.  20-23) 

1.  Overthrow  of  the  nations  (2.  20-22). 

2.  Messiahship  of  Zerubbabel  (2.  23). 

Unity  and  Origin.  Few  questions  have  been  raised 
regarding  the  essential  unity  of  the  book  of  Haggai,  apart 
from  more  or  less  extensive  editorial  glosses  and  addi¬ 
tions.  Of  the  attempts  to  show  that  some  of  the  utter¬ 
ances  came  from  some  one  other  than  Haggai  two  may 
be  noted:  Andre  attempts  to  prove8  that  2.  10-19  repre¬ 
sents  a  prophecy  delivered  by  an  unknown  prophet  on 
the  twenty-fourth  day  of  the  ninth  month  of  the  first 
year9  of  Darius.  In  support  of  this  view  he  advances 
the  following  arguments:  (1)  Verses  20-23  furnish  the 
conclusion  of  the  oracle  in  1-9;  hence  10-19  interrupt  the 
development  of  the  thought;  (2)  the  point  of  view  is 
not  that  of  the  rest  of  the  book;  (3)  the  oracle  is  ad¬ 
dressed  unto  Haggai,  not,  like  the  other  utterances,  to  the 
people  by  Haggai;  (4)  there  are  some  contradictions  be¬ 
tween  the  thought  of  these  verses  and  that  of  the  rest 


8  Le  Prophkte  Aggee,  pp.  24ft. 

9  The  present  text  assigns  the  oracle  to  the  second  year  of  Darius. 

543 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


of  the  book;10  (5)  the  passage  reveals  striking  peculiari¬ 
ties  in  vocabulary.  The  alleged  force  of  these  arguments 
rests  almost  entirely  upon  misapprehension  or  misinter¬ 
pretation  :  ( 1 )  Can  the  oracle  in  20-23  be  regarded  as  the 
conclusion  of  1-9?  Is  not  the  former  an  independent 
utterance?  (2)  There  is  no  such  difference  in  point 
of  view  as  is  assumed  by  Andre;  the  whole  book  reflects 
the  priestly  point  of  view  characteristic  of  the  postexilic 
period.  (3)  The  third  objection  cannot  be  urged  against 
the  oracle  itself.  The  difference,  if  real,  is  confined  to 
the  editorial  additions.* 11  (4)  Verses  17,  18  present 
some  difficulties,  but  with  a  proper  translation  and  inter¬ 
pretation  of  the  passage  the  alleged  contradictions 
vanish.12  (5)  While  the  passage  reveals  linguistic 
peculiarities  they  may  be  explained  as  due  to  difference  in 
subject  matter;  they  certainly  are  not  of  a  character  to 
prove  diversity  of  authorship.13  Evidently,  it  is  quite 
safe  to  assert  that  Andre’s  attempt  has  not  been  success¬ 
ful. 

The  same  judgment  must  be  passed  upon  Boehme’s 
effort  to  show  2.  20-23  to  be  a  later  addition.14  His 
arguments  are:  (1)  The  absence  of  “the  prophet”  after 
the  name  “Haggai”;15  (2)  the  statement  that  the  words 
were  addressed  unto  Haggai,  rather  than  by  Haggai;16 
(3)  the  unnecessary  repetition  to  Zerubbabel  of  a  proph- 

10  Compare  especially  2.  17,  18  with  1.  10,  11,  15. 

11  Moreover,  the  original  reading  in  2.  1  may  have  been  unto;  compare 
2.  20. 

12  For  a  detailed  discussion  see  H.  G.  Mitchell,  Haggai,  pp.  70,  71. 

13  See  H.  G.  Mitchell,  Haggai,  pp.  29,  30;  K.  Marti,  Das  Dodekapro- 
pheton,  p.  327. 

14  Zeitschrift  fuer  Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  1887,  pp.  215-217. 

16  Compare  2.  20  with  1.  1;  2.  1,  10. 

18  Compare  the  same  verses;  note  the  objection  of  Andr6  to  verses 
10-19;  also  footnote  11. 


544 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


ecy  which  he  had  previously  heard;17  (4)  the  use  of  the 
phrase  “the  second  time.,,  The  inconclusiveness  of  these 
arguments  is  self-evident :  ( 1 )  The  absence  of  the  phrase 
“the  prophet”  is  of  no  special  significance;  moreover, 
the  Septuagint,  which  has  the  words,  may  reflect  the 
original  reading.  (2)  The  second  objection  has  to  do 
with  words  of  the  editor,  not  of  the  author  of  the  oracle. 
(3)  Is  verse  21  an  unnecessary  repetition  of  6b?  Is 
it  not  needed  as  an  introduction  to  the  principal  an¬ 
nouncement  in  verses  22,  23?  (4)  The  phrase  “the 

second  time”  by  no  means  points  necessarily  to  the  ac¬ 
tivity  of  a  later  writer;  it  may  readily  be  explained  as 
referring  to  a  second  oracle  of  a  prophet  who  had  previ¬ 
ously  spoken.  (5)  Moreover,  would  a  later  writer,  who 
must  have  known  that  Zerubbabel  never  came  to  occupy 
the  unique  position  foretold,  express  his  hope  for  the 
future  in  such  words? 

An  examination  of  all  the  available  evidence  seems 
to  show  that  there  is  insufficient  reason  for  questioning 
the  originality  of  any  one  of  the  four  prophetic  oracles 
in  the  book.  The  two  chapters  evidently  contain  sum¬ 
maries  of  Haggai’s  utterances  put  in  their  present  form 
by  an  editor,  possibly  a  younger  contemporary  of  the 
prophet,  who  desired  to  give  an  account  of  the  prophet’s 
contribution  to  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple.18  The 

17  Compare  especially  verse  21  with  6b. 

18  A  different,  though  less  probable,  view  of  the  origin  of  the  book  is 
advocated  by  Klostermann  ( Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel ,  pp.  212,  213), 
who  believes  that  the  book  of  Haggai  and  Zech.  1  to  8  constituted  orig¬ 
inally  one  continuous  work,  edited  by  Zechariah,  who  sought  to  bring 
together  and  arrange  in  chronological  order  all  the  prophecies  which 
had  to  do  with  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple.  Similarly,  Rothstein 
( Genealogie  des  Koenigs  Jojachin,  pp.  38-41)  sees  in  the  book  a  part  of  an 
historic  work,  intended  to  narrate  the  events  connected  with  the  re¬ 
building  of  the  Temple. 


545 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


same  editor  is  responsible  for  the  presence  of  the  his¬ 
torical  section  in  i.  12-15.  This  theory  of  the  origin  of 
the  book  best  explains  the  references  to  the  prophet  in 
the  third  person  in  1.  1,  12-15;  2.  1,  10,  12,  13,  20,  as 
well  as  the  presence  of  the  narrative  section  in  1.  12-15 
and  the  use  of  the  title  “the  prophet”  after  the  name  in 
1.  1 ;  2.  1,  10. 

Times  of  the  Prophet.  The  four  prophecies  of  Haggai 
are  said  to  have  been  uttered  in  the  second  year  of  Darius 
Hystaspis,  king  of  Persia,  that  is,  in  520  b.  c.  During 
that  year  he  spoke  on  four  occasions,  on  the  first  day  of 
the  sixth  month,19  the  twenty-first  day  of  the  seventh 
month,20  and  twice  on  the  twenty- fourth  day  of  the  ninth 
month.21 

Since  Haggai  was  the  first  of  the  postexilic  prophets 
a  brief  survey  of  the  historical  situation  which  forms 
the  background  of  his  prophetic  activity  may  well  begin 
with  the  first  return  from  exile.  Babylon  submitted  to 
Cyrus  in  538  b.  c.  ;  soon  after,  according  to  the  biblical 
record,  he  gave  the  Jews  permission  to  return  to  their 
former  homes,  and  in  the  spring  of  537  b.  c.  a  large 
company,  between  forty  and  fifty  thousand,  started  on 
the  homeward  journey.  On  reaching  Jerusalem  they  im¬ 
mediately  set  up  the  altar  of  burnt  offerings,22  and,  ac¬ 
cording  to  Ezra  3.  8-13,  laid,  in  the  second  year,  the 
foundation  of  the  Temple.  However,  building  opera¬ 
tions  soon  ceased,  for  reasons  easily  understood :  ( 1 ) 
During  their  stay  in  Babylon  the  exiles  had  learned  to 
do  without  the  Temple;  only  the  religious  zealots,  always 

19  1.  1. 

20  2.  1. 

21  2.  10,  20. 

22  Ezra  3.  2ff.;  compare  Hag.  2.  14. 

546 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


in  the  minority,  would  miss  it.  (2)  The  opposition  of 
the  Samaritans  and  other  surrounding  tribes  furnished 
a  ready  excuse  to  the  indifferent  Jews.  (3)  Limited 
resources  and  poverty  resulting  from  the  failure  of 
crops23  and  from  the  devastation  wrought  by  the  Persian 
armies  on  their  way  to  Egypt  could  and  would  be  urged. 
(4)  Most  important  of  all,  the  nonfulfillment  of  the  pre- 
exilic  and  exilic  prophecies  concerning  the  glories  of  the 
restored  community  tended  to  create  a  spirit  of  religious 
indifference  and  skepticism.  It  is  not  difficult,  therefore, 
to  understand  why  building  operations  begun  in  536  b.  c. 
and  continued  for  a  while  with  enthusiasm  might  have 
come  to  a  complete  standstill. 

At  least  a  brief  reference  must  be  made  to  a  some¬ 
what  different  view  of  the  progress  of  events  during  the 
latter  part  of  the  sixth  century  b.  c.  Taking  as  a  starting 
point  the  silence  of  Haggai  and  Zechariah  regarding  a 
return  in  537  and  the  laying  of  the  Temple  foundations 
in  536,  and  the  alleged  unreliability  of  the  author  of 
Ezra-Nehemiah,  some  scholars  insist  (1)  that  there  was 
no  return  from  exile  in  537  and  (2)  that  the  foundations 
of  the  Temple  were  not  laid  until  520  b.  c.,  following 
the  preaching  of  Haggai  and  Zechariah.  Without  enter¬ 
ing  into  a  detailed  discussion,24  it  may  be  sufficient  to 
state  (1)  that  the  evidence  against  the  reliability  of  the 
statement  that  the  foundations  of  the  Temple  were  laid 
in  536  b.  c.,  while  perhaps  not  overwhelmingly  conclu¬ 
sive,  is  of  considerable  weight,  and  (2)  that  in  the  face 
of  all  the  arguments  presented  the  present  writer  is  still 


»  I.  6. 

14  A  full  discussion  of  this  perplexing  problem  may  be  found  in  F.  C. 
Eiselen,  The  Psalms  and  Other  Sacred  Writings ,  pp.  302-308;  compare 
also  H.  G.  Mitchell,  Haggai ,  pp.  6-9, 

547 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


inclined  to  insist  that  much  may  be  said  in  favor  of 
belief  in  an  important  return  of  exiles  in  537  b.  c. 

While  the  postexilic  community  was  struggling  against 
great  odds  to  establish  itself  in  and  near  Jerusalem,  im¬ 
portant  events  were  taking  place  in  the  eastern  world. 
Cyrus  died  in  530  or  529  b.  c.,  leaving  to  his  son  Cam- 
byses  an  empire  extending  from  Lydia  in  the  west  to 
India  in  the  east.  Cambyses,  who  reigned  until  522 
b.  cv  added  Egypt  to  his  possession.  Following  the  death 
of  Cambyses,  who  had  no  son,  several  claimants  to  the 
throne  appeared,  the  most  troublesome  being  Gaumata, 
who  claimed  to  be  the  son  of  Cyrus;  but  after  a  reign 
of  seven  months  he  was  assassinated,  and  Darius  Hysta- 
spis  ascended  the  throne.  He  found  the  empire  in  a 
state  of  extreme  restlessness;  rebellions  broke  out  every¬ 
where;  province  after  province  revolted;  in  Babylon  two 
pretenders  attempted,  in  rapid  succession,  to  throw  off 
the  Persian  rule.  The  whole  empire  was  shaken  from 
one  end  to  the  other.25 

Haggai  and  Zechariah,  like  their  predecessors  in  the 
prophetic  office,  read  and  interpreted  the  signs  of  the 
times.  To  them  the  widespread  rebellions  were  an  indi¬ 
cation  that  the  doom  of  the  Persian  empire  was  at  hand28 
and  the  seventy  years  of  exile27  were  drawing  to  a  close. 
They  were  equally  convinced  that,  with  the  hostile  world 
power  removed,  the  way  would  be  cleared  for  the  estab¬ 
lishment  of  the  kingdom  of  God.  Moreover,  in  the 
thought  of  the  two  prophets  the  establishment  of  the 
divine  rule  upon  earth  was  closely  connected  with  the  re- 

26  A  clear  outline  of  the  history  of  western  Asia  during  the  latter  half 
of  the  sixth  century  b.  c.,  based  on  the  best  and  most  reliable  sources 
of  information  available  is  found  in  H.  G.  Mitchell,  Haggai ,  pp.  3-24. 

28  Hag.  2.  6,  7,  22. 

17  Jer.  25.  11. 


548 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


building  of  the  Temple  and  the  exaltation  of  a  descendant 
of  David ;  hence  the  earnest  exhortations  to  resume  build¬ 
ing  operations28  and  the  promises  to  Zerubbabel,  the 
chosen  servant  of  Yahweh.29 

Little  can  be  learned  from  the  utterances  of  Haggai 
and  Zechariah  concerning  moral  and  religious  condi¬ 
tions  in  Jerusalem  around  520  b.  c.  The  outstanding 
feature  seems  to  have  been  religious  indifference,  due 
to  the  causes  already  enumerated,  especially  to  disap¬ 
pointment.  The  great  prophet  of  the  exile  had  pictured 
the  future  in  the  brightest  colors,  and  thus  had  raised 
the  hopes  and  expectations  of  the  exiles,  inspired  by  the 
preexilic  prophets,  to  the  highest  pitch.  Then,  when  the 
years  passed  without  bringing  a  realization  of  the  hopes, 
indifference  and  skepticism  settled  upon  them.  Why 
should  they  spend  their  limited  resources  in  promoting 
the  worship  of  Yahweh,  when  the  latter  failed  to  fulfill 
the  promises  made  by  his  spokesmen?  Consequently, 
the  people  looked  after  their  own  comforts,  at  the  same 
time  neglecting  the  interests  of  the  sanctuary,30  excusing 
themselves  with  the  plea  that  the  time  for  the  building  of 
the  Temple  had  not  yet  arrived.31  However,  this  did 
not  do  away  entirely  with  the  bringing  of  sacrifices  and 
offerings32  and  the  observance,  in  other  respects,  of  the 
ritual  law.33  Otherwise  we  are  left  in  the  dark  concern¬ 
ing  conditions  in  Judah  at  this  time,  for  the  abuses  con¬ 
demned  so  severely  by  Ezra-Nehemiah  and  Malachi  seem 

JS  For  instance,  1.  2-1 1. 

,fl  2.  23. 

10  1.  9. 

81  1.  2. 

32  2.  14. 

88  2.  1 1- 13;  compare  also  Zech.,  chapters  7  and  8,  which  show  that 
feasts  and  fasts  were  observed. 


549 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


to  have  developed  subsequently  to  Haggai  and  Zech- 
ariah.34 

The  Prophet.  Scarcely  anything  is  known  of  the 
personal  life  of  the  prophet  Haggai.  He  is  mentioned 
again  only  in  Ezra  5.  1  and  6.  14  as  encouraging,  in 
cooperation  with  Zechariah,  the  rebuilding  of  the  Tem¬ 
ple;  but  these  statements  may  be  based  upon  the  book 
bearing  the  name  of  Haggai,  and  consequently  may  have 
no  independent  value.35  The  prophet  appears  upon  the 
scene  suddenly  in  520  b.  c.  and  disappears  just  as  sud¬ 
denly.  Nothing  is  known  of  his  life  before  or  after  his 
preaching.  Chiefly  on  the  basis  of  2.  3  it  has  been  sug¬ 
gested  that  he  was  born  in  Judah  before  the  catastrophe 
of  586  B.  c.,  and  that  he  was  one  of  a  small  company 
among  the  returned  exiles  who  had  seen  the  former 
Temple  in  its  glory.  If  so,  he  must  have  been  an  old  man 
when  he  prophesied;  which  supposition  agrees  with  the 
brevity  of  his  public  activity,  for  a  short  time  after  520 
Zechariah  appears  as  the  leading  prophet  in  Jerusalem.36 
Some  Jewish  traditions  also  suggest  that  Haggai  was  a 
man  of  mature,  if  not  advanced,  age  when  he  returned 
to  Palestine.  With  this  agrees  Augustine,  who  reports 
that  both  Haggai  and  Zechariah  prophesied  in  Babylon 
concerning  the  return,  before  they  were  released  from 
exile.  Other  early  Christian  traditions  state  that  Haggai 
was  born  in  Babylonia,  returned  to  Jerusalem  while  still 
a  young  man,  saw  the  Temple  completed,  died  in  Jeru¬ 
salem,  and  was  buried  near  the  priests,  according  to 


34  See  below,  pp.  604-608. 

36  There  is  insufficient  reason  for  questioning  the  historicity  of  the 
prophet  Haggai,  as  is  done  by  some  who  regard  the  book  as  originally 
anonymous. 

36  Zech.  7.  iff. 


550 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


Hesychius,  because  he  was  of  “priestly  stock.”  Some  of 
the  ancient  versions  credit  Haggai  with  the  writing  of 
psalms.37 

Little  value  can  be  ascribed  to  these  extra-biblical  tradi¬ 
tions  and  uncritical  guesses.  Hence  we  must  be  content 
with  the  few  'hints  given  in  the  book  of  Haggai,  and  the 
only  information  furnished  there  is  that  he  delivered 
four  prophecies  in  the  second  year  of  Darius,  king  of 
Persia,  and  that  his  supreme  interest  lay  in  the  rebuild¬ 
ing  of  the  Temple  of  Yahweh.38 

Teaching.  Haggai  was  a  man  of  one  idea.  From 
beginning  to  end  he  urged,  without  conventional  elo¬ 
quence  or  poetic  flights  of  the  imagination,  but  with 
simple  and  earnest  words  of  warning,  exhortation,  and 
promise,  the  speedy  restoration  of  the  Temple  of  Yah¬ 
weh;  and  the  success  which  attended  his  exhortations 
sufficiently  justified  the  use  of  what  has  been  called  a 
“meager  and  starved”  style.  The  spirit  and  tone  of  the 
entire  book  make  it  clear  that  Haggai  assigned  to  the 
Temple  a  unique  place  in  the  religious  life  of  the  Jews. 
True,  the  preexilic  prophets  also  considered  the  Temple 
the  dwelling  place  of  Yahweh,  but  their  teaching  dwelt 
almost  exclusively  upon  weightier  spiritual  and  ethical 
matters.  The  change  in  emphasis  was  due,  not  to 
inferior  religious  capacity  and  insight,  but  to  a  change  in 
environment.  Conditions  in  Jerusalem  after  the  exile 
were  far  different  from  what  they  had  been  in  the  eighth 

87  Septuagint,  Pss.  137;  145  to  148;  Peshitto,  Pss.  125;  126;  145  to 
148;  Old  Latin,  Psa.  64;  Vulgate,  Pss.  hi;  145;  146. 

38  Mitchell’s  conclusion  is  expressed  in  these  words:  “On  the  whole, 
therefore,  it  seems  safest  to  .  .  .  regard  the  prophet  as  a  patriotic 
Jewish  layman  of  unusual  zeal  for,  and  therefore,  perhaps,  unusual 
acquaintance  with,  the  religion  in  which  he  had  been  born  and  reared” 
( Haggai ,  p.  26). 


551 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


century  b.  c. ;  as  a  prophet  of  Yahweh  Haggai  must  adapt 
himself  and  his  message  to  the  needs  of  the  new  age. 
Whatever  may  have  been  true  in  other  days,  the  Jews  of 
the  latter  part  of  the  sixth  century  were  not  prepared  to 
appreciate  the  lofty  conceptions  of  the  presence  of  Yah¬ 
weh  that  could  dispense  with  a  house  made  with  hands. 
As  had  been  the  ark  in  the  ages  gone  by,  so  now  the 
Temple  was  the  external  symbol  of  the  presence  of  Yah¬ 
weh,  and  the  common  people  still  needed  this  material 
Temple,  if  they  were  to  continue  the  worship  of  Yahweh 
at  all.  Moreover,  with  the  central  national  government 
gone,  a  new  bond  was  needed  to  hold  together  the  differ¬ 
ent  elements  in  the  local  community  as  well  as  the  exiles 
scattered  among  the  nations.  In  a  religious  community 
what  institution  could  serve  this  purpose  better  than  a 
common  center  of  worship,  a  place  to  which  the  hearts  of 
faithful  Jews  everywhere  might  turn,  assured  that  there 
they  could  meet  their  God  and  hold  intercourse  with 
him  ?  Is  it,  then,  too  much  to  say  that  the  very  existence 
of  Jewish  religion  depended,  in  the  days  of  Haggai,  on 
the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple?  If  that  was  the  supreme 
need  of  the  hour,  Haggai,  by  pleading  so  persistently  for 
the  restoration  of  the  Temple,  rendered  a  service  of  in¬ 
calculable  moment.  Surely,  he  cannot  be  held  responsible 
for  the  illegitimate  perversion  of  his  teaching  by  subse¬ 
quent  generations. 

Other  noteworthy  points  in  the  teaching  of  Haggai 
are :  ( i )  He  calls  attention  to  the  covenant  relation  be¬ 
tween  Yahweh  and  Israel,  which  explains  the  former’s 
continued  care  for  the  latter,39  and  insists  that  this  cove¬ 
nant  will  endure  forever.40  (2)  He  agrees  with  the  pre- 

39  2.  5. 

40 1.  13;  2.  4. 


552 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


exilic  prophets  in  declaring  that  sacrifice  is  not  the  essen¬ 
tial  thing  in  the  sight  of  Yahweh.41  (3)  Sharing  the 
earlier  prophets’  ideas  on  the  subject  of  calamity  and 
prosperity,  be  teaches  that  the  former  is  an  expression  of 
divine  wrath,  a  punishment  for  sin,  while  the  latter  is  an 
expression  of  divine  favor,  a  reward  for  piety.42  (4) 
Haggai  looks  forward  to  a  great  world  judgment  result¬ 
ing  in  the  overthrow  of  the  Persian  empire;  this 
cataclysm  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  establishment  of 
the  kingdom  of  Yahweh  upon  earth.43  (5)  The  prophet’s 
Messianic  hope  centers  around  an  offspring  of  the  dynasty 
of  David,  namely,  Zerubbabel,  whom  he  describes  as 
the  servant  of  Yahweh,  his  chosen  one,  the  object  of  his 
affection.44  (6)  There  is  a  note  of  universalism  in  the 
message  of  Haggai.  In  2.  7  he  expresses  the  hope 
that  the  nations  of  the  earth,  overawed  by  Yahweh’ s 
majesty  and  power,  will  recognize  his  supremacy  and 
bring  their  precious  things  as  offerings  to  him. 

The  presentation  of  all  these  truths  is  profoundly 
influenced  by  the  prophet’s  central  idea.  He  alludes  to 
the  covenant  for  the  purpose  of  encouraging  the  people  to 
greater  zeal  in  their  building  operations;  sacrifice  is 
mentioned  to  show  that  it  cannot  atone  for  the  people’s 
neglect  of  the  Temple  ;  their  calamity  or  prosperity  is 
determined  by  their  attitude  toward  the  restoration  of 
the  house  of  Yahweh  ;  the  overthrow  and  conversion  of 
the  nations  will  result  in  the  enriching  of  the  Temple; 
the  establishment  of  the  kingdom  of  Yahweh  and  the 
exaltation  of  Zerubbabel  are  regarded  as  the  supreme 

41  2. 14. 

42 1.  6-1 1 ;  2.  15-19. 

43  2.  6,  7,  21,  22. 

44  2.  23;  he  also  thinks  of  Yahweh  as  ruling  forever  in  his  Temple 
(2.  9). 


553 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


manifestations  of  the  divine  favor;  which,  however,  will 
be  theirs  only  on  condition  that  they  speedily  build  a 
dwelling  place  for  Yahweh. 

ii.  The  Book  of  Zechariah 

Name.  The  name  “Zechariah, ’n  which  means  “Yah¬ 
weh  remembers,”  is  borne  by  no  less  than  twenty-nine 
different  persons  named  in  the  Old  Testament.  Ac¬ 
cording  to  the  Chronicler  it  was  the  name  of  at  least  five 
men  in  the  days  of  David,1 2  but  there  is  reason  for  believ¬ 
ing  that  it  was  not  much  used  prior  to  the  eighth  cen¬ 
tury  b.  c. 

Contents  and  Outline.  The  book  in  its  present  form 
falls  naturally  into  two  parts,  chapters  i  to  8  and  chap¬ 
ters  9  to  14.  The  first  part  opens  with  an  appeal  in 
which  the  prophet  urges  the  people  to  return  to  Yahweh. 
Disobedience  may  bring  to  the  present  generation  a  fate 
similar  to  that  suffered  by  the  fathers.3  About  three 
months  after  the  delivery  of  the  first  message  there  came 
to  the  prophet  in  a  single  night  eight  symbolical  visions, 
the  significance  of  which  was  explained  to  him  by  an 
heavenly  interpreter.4  All  the  visions  are  linked  together 

1  Hebrew  iT^pT,  Zekharyah ,  Septuagint  Zaxaplas,  Zacharias,  Vulgate, 

T  2  J 

Zacharias. 

2  1  Chron.  15.  18;  24.  25;  26.  2,  11 ;  27.  11 ;  compare  also  9.  37;  15.  4. 

3  1.  1-6. 

4  1.  7  to  6.  8:  (1)  The  angelic  horsemen — the  overthrow  of  the  nations 
is  at  hand;  (2)  the  four  horns  and  the  four  smiths — judgment  upon  the 
nations;  (3)  the  man  with  the  measuring  line — the  glorious  restoration 
of  Zion;  (4)  the  trial  of  the  high  priest — cleansing  of  the  remnant  and 
the  advent  of  “Branch” ;  (5)  the  golden  candlestick  and  the  two  olive  trees 
— Zerubbabel,  with  divine  cooperation,  will  carry  his  divinely  appointed 
task  to  completion ;  (6)  the  flying  roll — the  curse  of  God  upon  evildoers ; 

(7)  the  woman  in  the  ephah — removal  of  sin  from  the  promised  land; 

(8)  the  four  chariots — the  judgment  upon  the  nations  is  imminent. 

554 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


by  a  common  purpose,  namely,  ‘‘the  encouragement  of 
the  Jews  to  continue  the  work  of  restoring  the  Temple,  of 
rebuilding  the  city,  and  of  reestablishing  the  theocratic 
government.”  The  account  of  the  visions  is  followed  by 
the  story  of  a  symbolical  act,  the  crowning  of  the  high 
priest  Joshua,  intended  to  symbolize  the  exaltation  of 
“Branch”  to  Messianic  rule.5  Chapters  7  and  8  deal 
with  the  relative  value  of  ceremonial  and  moral  require¬ 
ments.  From  the  experiences  of  the  past  the  present 
generation  might  have  learned  that  the  latter  alone  con¬ 
stitute  the  essential  element  in  the  religion  of  Yahweh.6 
Reaffirming  Yahweh’s  jealousy  for  Zion,  the  prophet 
then  pictures  the  prosperity  and  glory  in  store  for  Jeru¬ 
salem,7  in  which  foreign  nations  will  be  anxious  to  have 
a  share.8 

The  second  division  consists  of  a  series  of  loosely  con¬ 
nected  utterances,  chiefly  apocalyptic  in  character,  and 
all  dealing  with  the  events  leading  up  to  the  final  triumph 
of  the  kingdom  of  God.  The  hostile  nations  surround¬ 
ing  Judah  will  perish,  while  Jerusalem  will  escape  un¬ 
harmed;9  then  the  Messianic  king  will  appear,  the  cap¬ 
tives  still  in  exile  will  be  restored  and,  after  a  bitter 
struggle  resulting  in  the  confounding  of  the  hostile  na¬ 
tions,  exalted  to  glory.10  An  exhortation  to  repentance11 
is  followed  by  another  promise  of  deliverance,  restora¬ 
tion,  and  exaltation.12  Taking  a  look  into  the  past,  the 
prophet  describes,  in  the  form  of  an  allegory,  Yahweh’s 
dealings  with  his  people,  his  wrath  because  of  the  latter’s 


6  6.  9-15. 

9  9.  1-8. 

6  7.  1-14- 

10  9-  9"I7- 

7  8.  1-17. 

11  10.  1,  2. 

8  8.  18-23. 

12  10.  3  to  11.  3. 

5SS 

PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


ingratitude,  and  the  resulting  judgment;13  in  the  end 
Yahweh’s  compassion  will  assert  itself  in  the  salvation 
of  a  remnant.14  A  new  beginning  is  made  in  12.  1.  The 
remaining  portion  of  the  book  divides  itself  naturally 
into  two  parts,  12.  1  to  13.  6  and  14.  1-2 1.  The  former 
falls  naturally  into  three  divisions,  12.  1-9,  12.  10-14, 
13.  1-6.  The  first  of  these  passages  pictures  an  attack 
upon  Jerusalem  by  the  nations  of  the  earth;  Yahweh 
interferes  and  brings  deliverance  to  Judah  and  Jeru¬ 
salem.16  The  people  thus  saved  from  disaster  will  enjoy 
rich  spiritual  blessings,  provided  they  turn  to  Yah¬ 
weh  in  a  spirit  of  humility  and  penitence.16  The  peniten¬ 
tial  mourning  and  supplication  will  not  be  in  vain;  a 
complete  moral  and  spiritual  transformation  will  be 
wrought  in  the  inhabitants  of  Judah  and  Jerusalem,  re¬ 
sulting  in  a  life  of  intimate  fellowship  with  their  God.17 
In  chapter  14  the  prophet  pictures  a  new  conflict  between 
Jerusalem  and  the  nations.  When  the  success  of  the  na¬ 
tions  seems  assured,  Yahweh  will  appear  to  save  a  rem¬ 
nant  and  set  up  his  kingdom;18  from  Jerusalem  two 
streams  of  living  water  will  go  forth  bringing  blessing 
and  prosperity  to  the  whole  land  ;19  the  nations  will  suffer 
defeat;20  some  of  the  survivors  will  turn  to  Yahweh, 
the  rest  will  be  smitten  with  drought,21  while  Judah  and 
Jerusalem  will  be  “holy  unto  Yahweh.”22 

Title:  The  prophet  and  his  commission  (1.  1). 

I.  Messages  of  Exhortation,  Consolation,  and  Encouragement 

(1.  2  to  8.  23) 

1.  Call  to  repentance  (1.  2-6). 


13 

II. 

4-16. 

18 

I4* 

1-7* 

14 

II. 

17;  13-  7*9- 

19 

14. 

8-11. 

16 

12. 

1-9. 

20 

14. 

12-15. 

16 

12. 

• 

Tf 

1 

O 

H4 

21 

14. 

16-19. 

17 

13- 

1-6. 

22 

!4. 

20,  21. 

556 

THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


2.  Eight  night  visions  and  their  interpretation  (i.  7  to  6.  8). 

(1)  The  angelic  horsemen  (1.  7-17). 

(2)  The  four  horns  and  the  four  smiths  (1.  18-21). 

(3)  The  man  with  the  measuring  line  (2.  1-13). 

(4)  Trial  and  acquittal  of  the  high  priest  Joshua  (3.  1-10). 

(5)  The  golden  candlestick  and  the  two  olive  trees  (4.  1-14). 

(6)  The  flying  roll  (5.  1-4). 

(7)  The  woman  in  the  ephah  (5.  5-11). 

(8)  The  four  chariots  with  horses  of  different  colors  (6.  1-8). 

3.  Symbolic  crowning  of  the  high  priest  Joshua  (6.  9-15). 

4.  Relative  importance  of  ceremonial  and  moral  requirements  (7.  1 

to  8.  23). 

(1)  Occasion  of  the  prophetic  utterance  (7.  1-3). 

(2)  Fasting  not  an  essential  element  of  true  religion  (7.  4-6). 

(3)  Essential  requirements  of  Yahweh;  disregard  of  them  al¬ 

ways  followed  by  punishment  (7.  7-14). 

(4)  The  time  of  redemption  at  hand  (8.  1-8). 

(5)  Message  of  encouragement  and  admonition  (8.  9-17). 

(6)  Fasting  to  be  changed  into  rejoicing  (8.  18-23). 

II.  The  Final  Triumph  of  the  Kingdom  of  Yahweh  (9.  1  to 

14.  21). 

1.  Oracles  dealing  with  the  establishment  of  the  new  theocracy  (9.  1 
to  11.  17;  13.  7-9). 

(1)  Judgment  upon  the  surrounding  nations;  preservation  of 

Jerusalem  (9.  1-8). 

(2)  The  Messianic  king  and  his  reign  (9.  9,  10). 

(3)  Deliverance  and  exaltation  of  the  Jews  (9.  11-17). 

(4)  Exhortation  to  return  to  Yahweh  (10.  1,  2). 

(5)  Restoration  of  the  Jews  and  overthrow  of  the  hostile  na¬ 

tions  (10.  3  to  11.  3). 

a.  Rejuvenation  of  Ephraim  and  Judah  (10.  3-7). 

b.  Restoration  of  the  exiles  from  Assyria  and  Egypt 

(10.  8-12). 

c.  Lamentation  of  the  humiliated  enemies  (11.  1-3). 

(6)  Allegory  of  the  good  shepherd  (11.  4-14). 

a.  The  shepherd’s  loving  care  (11.  4-6). 

b.  The  people’s  lack  of  appreciation  (11.  7,  8). 

c.  Withdrawal  of  the  good  shepherd  (11.  9-14). 

557 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


(7)  Allegory  of  the  foolish  shepherd  (11.  15-17;  13*  7~9)* 

a.  Conduct  of  the  foolish  shepherd  (11.  15,  16). 

b.  Overthrow  of  the  foolish  shepherd  (11.  17). 

c.  Fate  of  the  shepherd’s  flock  (13.  7-9). 

2.  Various  utterances  concerning  the  future  of  the  people  of  Yah- 

weh  (12.  1  to  13.  6;  14.  1-21). 

(1)  Marvelous  deliverance  of  Judah  and  Jerusalem  (12.  1-9). 

(2)  Penitential  mourning  and  supplication  (12.  10-14). 

(3)  Purification  of  Jerusalem;  removal  of  all  obstacles  to  di¬ 

rect  communion  with  Yahweh  (13.  1-6). 

(4)  Final  conflict  and  triumph  of  the  kingdom  of  Yahweh  (14. 

1-21). 

a.  Capture  of  Jerusalem  and  its  deliverance  (14.  1-5)  • 

b.  The  day  of  Yahweh  (14.  6,  7). 

c.  Fertility  and  felicity  of  the  whole  land  (14.  8-11). 

d.  Destruction  of  the  hostile  nations  (14.  12-15). 

e.  Conversion  of  a  remnant  of  the  nations  (14.  16-19). 

/.  Judah  and  Jerusalem  holy  unto  Yahweh  (14.  20,  21). 

Unity  and  Date.  Since  between  chapters  8  and  9  a 
distinct  break  may  be  noticed,  it  has  become  customary, 
as  has  already  been  stated,  to  divide  the  entire  book  into 
two  parts,  chapters  1  to  8  and  chapters  9  to  14.  The 
utterances  contained  in  the  first  eight  chapters  are 
ascribed  in  their  headings  to  Zechariah,23  but  no  state¬ 
ments  to  this  effect  are  found  in  chapters  9  to  14.  This 
in  itself  does  not  necessarily  point  to  diversity  of  author¬ 
ship,  for  it  is  not  obligatory  to  place  the  name  of  the 
author  at  the  head  of  each  separate  oracle;  the  name  in 
the  headings  of  the  earlier  chapters  might  be  thought  to 
cover  the  utterances  in  the  later  chapters.  For  other 
reasons,  however,  most  Old  Testament  scholars  believe 
that  chapters  9  to  14  do  not  come  from  Zechariah,  'the 
author  of  chapters  1  to  8.  This  makes  it  necessary  to 
consider,  first  of  all,  the  unity  of  the  book,  to  see  whether 
it  is  the  work  of  a  single  author  or  of  two  or  more;  only 


23 


I.  I,  7;  7.  I. 


558 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


when  this  question  is  settled  is  it  possible  to  consider 
intelligently  the  matter  of  the  date  or  dates,  to  which  the 
various  oracles  may  be  assigned. 

Chapters  i  to  8 .  All  scholars  are  agreed  that  chap¬ 
ters  i  to  8,  at  least  in  substance,24  come  from  Zechariah, 
the  son  of  Berechiah,  the  son  of  Iddo,25  and  that  the 
prophecies  contained  in  these  chapters  were  delivered 
in  the  second  and  fourth  years  of  Darius,  that  is,  in  520 
and  518  b.  c.  The  historical  situation  in  western  Asia, 
as  it  affected  Judah  during  this  period,  is  sketched  in  con¬ 
nection  with  Haggai  ;26  but  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  point 
out  how  the  internal  evidence  confirms  the  testimony  of 
the  chronological  notes:  The  Temple  and  the  city  walls 
were  still  in  ruins;27  the  foundation  of  the  Temple  had 
been  laid,  but  the  completion  of  the  building  seemed  far 
distant  ;28  peace  had  been  restored  throughout  the  Persian 
Empire;29  the  nonfulfillment  of  the  earlier  prophecies  had 
caused  the  people  to  lose  confidence  in  the  civil  and  reli¬ 
gious  leaders,30  and  to  doubt  the  reality  of  the  divine 
interest  and  power.31  All  this  was  true  in  520  b.  c.,  and 
the  messages  contemned  in  chapters  1  to  6  were  admi¬ 
rably  adapted  to  the  needs  of  that  time;  moreover,  they 
were  not  without  effect.  The  building  enterprise  was 
resumed,  and  two  years  later  sufficient  progress  had  been 
made  to  raise  the  question  whether  the  time  had  not 


24  H.  G.  Mitchell  gives  tables  covering  twelve  pages  “to  show  to  what 
extent  the  deliberate  modification  of  the  text  has  been  carried,  also  in 
what  degree  it  has  suffered  from  additions,  omissions,  and  distortions 
through  the  fault  of  careless  or  ignorant  transcribers”  ( Zechariah , 
pp.  84-97). 

26  I.  I,  7;  7.  I.  29  1.  y_2i. 

28  See  above,  pp.  546-550.  30  Chapters  3,  4. 

27  1.  7-17.  31  1.  16. 

28  4.  6-10. 


559 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


arrived  to  discontinue  the  fasts  instituted  to  commemorate 
events  centering  around  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  in 
586  b.  c.  ;32  evidently,  the  prospects  were  becoming 
brighter.33  In  the  light  of  this  internal  evidence  there 
can  hardly  be  any  doubt  that  the  prophecies  in  chapters 
1  to  8  were  uttered  in  520  and  518  b.  c.,  for  the  comfort, 
encouragement,  and  inspiration  of  the  disheartened  post- 
exilic  community.34 

Chapters  9  to  14.  Until  about  the  middle  of  the  seven¬ 
teenth  century  no  doubts  were  expressed  concerning  the 
unity  of  the  book  of  Zechariah,  chapters  9  to  14  being 
assigned  to  the  sixth-century  Zechariah,  who  was  uni¬ 
versally  accepted  as  the  author  of  chapters  1  to  8  and, 
thus,  of  the  entire  book.  In  a  discussion  published  in 
1653  the  Cambridge  theologian  Joseph  Mede  suggested 
that  chapters  9  to  11  came,  not  from  Zechariah,  but  from 
Jeremiah.  He  was  led  to  this  conclusion,  partly  by  the 
testimony  of  Matt.  27.  9,  which  quotes  Zech.  11.  13  as 
coming  from  Jeremiah,  and  partly  by  a  study  of  the 
contents  which,  he  became  convinced,  pointed  to  a  period 
other  than  that  of  Zechariah.35  Since  the  days  of  Mede, 
and  especially  since  the  publication  of  Fluegge’s  treatise 

32  7.  1-7;  8.  18,  19. 

33  8.  20-23. 

34  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  substance  of  the  prophecies  delivered 
by  Zechariah  was  written  down  by  the  prophet  himself;  but  if  so,  the 
original  summary  was  worked  over  by  a  later  editor  (see  C.  Steuemagel, 
Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament ,  pp.  642,  643). 

36  His  words  are:  “There  is  no  scripture  saith  they  (chapters  9-1 1) 
are  Zachary’s,  but  there  is  scripture  saith  they  are  Jeremy’s  as  this  of  the 
evangelists.’’  And  again:  “Certainly,  if  a  man  weighs  the  contents  of 
some  of  them,  they  should  in  likelihood  be  of  an  elder  date  than  the  time 
of  Zachary,  namely,  before  the  captivity,  for  the  subjects  of  some  of 
them  were  scarce  in  being  after  that  time.”  The  earliest  followers  of 
Mede  applied  his  conclusion  also  to  chapters  12  to  14. 

560 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


on  Zechariah,86  in  1784,  the  question  of  the  unity  of  the 
book  of  Zechariah  has  received,  perhaps,  as  much  atten¬ 
tion  as  any  problem  of  Old  Testament  criticism.37  Mod¬ 
ern  scholarship  tends  more  and  more  toward  denying 
the  last  six  chapters  of  the  book  to  the  sixth  century 
Zechariah,  and  even  cautious  and  otherwise  exceedingly 
conservative  scholars  like  von  Orelli  and  Kirkpatrick 
have  felt  constrained  to  give  up  the  unity  of  the  book.38 
Within  recent  years  there  has,  indeed,  been  only  one 
elaborate  attempt  to  defend  the  unity  of  the  book,  namely, 
by  Professor  Robinson  in  the  dissertation  to  which  refer¬ 
ence  has  been  made.39  An  exhaustive  discussion  of  the 
entire  subject  would  require  more  space  than  can  be 
given  to  it  in  a  work  of  this  kind;  hence  all  that  the 
present  writer  can  expect  to  do  is  to  point  out  the  lines 
along  which  the  investigation  must  proceed  and  the  most 


36  Die  Weissagungen  welche  bey  den  Schriften  des  Propheten  Sacharjas 
beygebogen  sind.  Prior  to  this  time  Mede’s  suggestion  had  been  adopted, 
in  1700,  by  Bishop  Kidder,  who  extended  the  former’s  conclusions 
to  include  chapters  12  to  14,  and,  in  1722,  by  William  Whiston. 

37  G.  L.  Robinson  enumerates  one  hundred  and  three  authors  who, 
since  the  days  of  Mede,  have  treated  the  subject  in  one  or  more  publi¬ 
cations  ( American  Journal  of  Semitic  Languages ,  XII,  pp.  2ff.,  article 
“The  Prophecies  of  Zechariah”).  According  to  his  classification, 
thirty-six  of  these  “defend”  the  unity  of  the  book.  In  some  cases  the 
defense  is  by  no  means  enthusiastic;  J.  J.  S.  Perowne,  for  instance, 
classed  among  the  defenders,  is  content  with  saying:  “Indeed,  it  is  not 
easy  to  say  which  way  the  weight  of  evidence  preponderates.” 

38  “It  seems  in  the  highest  degree  improbable  that  these  chapters  can 
be  the  work  of  Zechariah,  the  coadjutor  of  Zerubbabel  and  Joshua  in 
their  great  work  of  rebuilding  the  Temple”  (A.  F.  Kirkpatrick,  Doctrine 
of  the  Prophets ,  p.  443). 

39  Other  scholars,  of  course,  hold  the  same  view,  but  no  one  else  has 
treated  the  subject  so  exhaustively.  Another  conservative  discussion 
of  importance  is  found  in  C.  H.  H.  Wright’s  Bampton  Lectures 
on  Zechariah. 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


probable  results  to  which  the  inquiry  seems  to  lead.40 
The  evidence  to  be  considered  is  threefold — linguistic, 
historical,  and  theological : 

i.  Linguistic  Characteristics.  It  has  been  pointed  out 
again  and  again  that  between  the  two  sections  there  are 
marked  differences  in  diction,  style  and  other  features  of 
composition.  ( i )  With  reference  to  the  general  style  the 
justice  of  Eichhorn’s  remark  is  recognized  by  all.  “The 
manner  of  writing  in  the  second  portion,”  says  he,  “is 
far  loftier  and  more  mysterious,  the  images  employed 
grander  and  more  magnificent.”  Rosenmueller  calls  the 
style  of  the  first  eight  chapters  “prosaic,  feeble,  poor” ; 
that  of  the  remaining  six  chapters  “poetic,  weighty,  con¬ 
cise,  flowing.”  (2)  Attention  has  been  called  to  the 
preference,  in  one  or  the  other  section,  for  certain  words 
and  phrases — for  example,  in  chapters  1  to  8,  “thus  saith 
Yahweh,”  “the  word  of  Yahweh  came  unto  me,”  the 
parenthetic  “oracle  of  Yahweh”;  in  chapters  9  to  14,  “in 
that  day,”  and  many  more.41  (3)  The  headings  indicat¬ 
ing  author  and  date,  found  in  the  first  part,  are  wanting 
in  the  second  part.  (4)  The  figures  and  imagery  of  the 
one  differ  from  those  of  the  other.  The  first  part 
abounds  in  visions  with  imagery  mysterious  enough  to 
require  an  interpreter;  the  second  part  has  no  visions, 
but  in  chapter  11  introduces  two  allegories.  It  has  the 

40  The  most  exhaustive  discussion  may  be  found  in  the  dissertation  of 
G.  L.  Robinson,  “The  Prophecies  of  Zechariah,”  in  American  Journal  of 
Semitic  Languages ,  XII,  pp.  2ff.;  a  very  full  discussion,  with  numerous 
references  to  earlier  writers  is  given  by  H.  G.  Mitchell,  Zechariah ,  pp. 
232-259;  for  briefer  discussions  see  Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible, 
article,  “Zechariah,’'  or  any  modem  Introduction. 

41  A  longer  list,  though  by  no  means  complete,  is  given  by  Mitchell, 
Zechariah,  p.  236.  A  much  more  extensive  discussion  is  found  in  R. 
Eckardt,  “Der  Sprachgebrauch  von  Zach.  9-14.”  in  Zeitschrift  fuer 
Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft ,  1893,  pp.  1046!. 

562 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


images  of  the  shepherd  and  the  sheep,  of  Yah  well  as 
the  captain  of  his  people,  of  the  use  of  the  people  as 
weapons,  and  others. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  some  of  these  arguments  are 
not  altogether  conclusive :  ( i )  Over  against  the  lists  of 
words  and  phrases  which  are  thought  to  point  to  diversity 
of  authorship  long  lists  of  words  and  phrases  thought  to 
favor  unity  of  authorship  have  been  presented.  (2)  By 
itself  the  absence  of  careful  headings  in  the  second  part 
proves  nothing.  (3)  The  occurrence  of  visions  and  the 
use  of  certain  imagery  in  one  part  of  the  book,  while  in 
the  other  part  visions  are  absent  and  different  imagery 
is  used,  cannot  be  considered  conclusive  against  the  unity 
of  the  book.  Moreover,  in  an  attempt  to  prove  unity  of 
authorship,  Professor  Robinson  has  pointed  out  that  both 
parts  contain  specimens  of  clumsy  diction,  of  repetition 
of  the  same  words,  of  the  use  of  phrases — not  the  same 
in  both  parts — unused  by  other  writers,  of  the  frequent 
use  of  vocatives,  and  of  variableness  of  spelling.  Of 
course,  arguments  based  on  such  similarities  prove  either 
too  much  or  nothing  at  all ;  for,  as  Cheyne  says,  “by  such 
a  method  it  would  be  easy  to  prove  that  the  whole  of  the 
Old  Testament  had  but  one  author.”  Nevertheless  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  each  section  is  marked  by  some 
striking  linguistic  and  stylistic  peculiarities. 

Similarities  and  resemblances  in  language  and  style 
may  easily  be  explained,  but  when  different  parts  of  one 
and  the  same  book  show  marked  differences  the  question 
inevitably  arises  whether  such  differences  can  be  har¬ 
monized  with  unity  of  authorship.  However  we  may 
explain  the  resemblances  in  the  language  of  the  two  parts 
— and  they  can  all  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  both  sec¬ 
tions  belong  to  the  same  general  stage  in  the  history  of 

563 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


the  Hebrew  language — the  question  still  remains  whether 
the  differences  in  language  and  style  which  remain  after 
all  due  allowance  has  been  made  for  difference  in  subject 
matter  can  be  harmonized  with  the  theory  that  the  entire 
book  comes  from  the  sixth-century  Zechariah.  To  the 
present  writer  it  seems  that,  even  admitting  as  a  general 
principle  that  style  and  diction  by  themselves  are  un¬ 
safe  criteria  for  determining  the  date  of  a  writing,  in 
the  present  case  the  two  parts  differ  so  widely  in  the 
broad  and  general  linguistic  features  that  it  is  exceedingly 
difficult  to  believe  that  they  were  written  by  one  and  the 
same  author. 

2.  Historical  Statements  and  Allusions.  The  his¬ 
torical  situation  described  and  presupposed  in  chapters 
9  to  14  is  not  that  of  chapters  1  to  8.  The  prophecies 
in  the  early  part  of  the  book  have  an  intimate  connection 
with  events  in  the  days  of  Darius.  They  meet  the  needs 
of  a  well-defined  historical  situation:  the  Jews  are  en¬ 
couraged  to  rebuild  the  Temple  and  the  city,  and  as  a 
reward  are  promised  speedy  deliverance  from  their  pres¬ 
ent  distress  and  success  and  prosperity  for  the  immediate 
future.  But  are  the  pictures  of  the  impending  destruc¬ 
tion  of  Jerusalem,  in  chapters  12  and  14,  and  of  the  other 
calamities  which  are  to  befall  the  nation  prior  to  the 
final  triumph,  adapted  to  the  needs  of  the  same  com¬ 
munity  and  the  same  age?  And  what  is  true  of  these 
two  chapters  is  equally  true  of  other  portions  of  chap¬ 
ters  9  to  14.42  In  other  words,  the  messages  throughout 

42  This  is  not,  as  has  been  charged,  a  denial  of  prediction  in  chapters 
9  to  14,  for  whenever  the  words  may  have  been  written,  the  writer  looks 
forward  to  the  final  consummation  of  the  kingdom  of  God ;  but  proph¬ 
ecies  whose  dates  are  beyond  question  clearly  show  that  the  prophets 
always  connected  the  future  with  their  own  present,  and  that  their 
messages  were  intended  primarily  for  their  day  and  generation. 

564 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


the  second  part  presuppose  an  historical  situation  in 
Judah  other  than  'that  presupposed  in  chapters  i  to  8; 
and  this  remains  true,  though  it  may  be  impossible  to 
determine  the  exact  period  into  which  the  chapters  fit. 
What  is  true  of  conditions  within  the  Jewish  community 
is  in  the  same  degree  true  of  conditions  throughout  the 
eastern  world.  “Zech.  i  to  8  pictures  the  whole  earth  at 
peace,  which  was  true  at  least  of  all  Syria;  they  portend 
no  danger  tO'  Jerusalem  from  the  heathen,  but  describe 
her  peace  and  fruitful  expansion  in  terms  most  suitable 
to  the  circumstances  imposed  upon  her  by  the  solid 
and  clement  policy  of  the  earlier  Persian  kings.  This  is 
all  changed  in  9  to  14.  The  nations  are  restless;  a  siege 
of  Jerusalem  is  imminent,  and  her  salvation  is  to  be 
assured  only  by  much  war  and  a  terrible  shedding  of 
blood.  We  know  exactly  how  Israel  fared  and  felt  in  the 
early  sections  of  the  Persian  period;  her  interest  in  the 
politics  of  the  world,  her  feelings  toward  her  governors, 
and  her  whole  attitude  to  the  heathen  were  not  at  that 
time  those  which  are  reflected  in  Zech.  9  to  14.”43  True, 
Professor  Robinson  has  attempted  to  prove  that  these 
chapters  had  their  origin  between  518  and  516,  but  his 
arguments  are  not  convincing.  Most  writers  who  favor 
the  unity  of  the  book  are  content  with  showing  that  the 
historical  situation  presupposed  is  that  of  the  period  after 
the  exile,  which,  however,  is  far  from  proving  that  it 
fits  the  period  of  Zechariah. 

3.  Theological  Ideas  Expressed  and  Implied.  Robin¬ 
son  devotes  an  entire  section  of  his  dissertation  to  the 
task  of  demonstrating  similarity  in  fundamental  ideas 
between  the  two  parts.  Perhaps  the  easiest  way  of  re¬ 
vealing  the  weakness  of  his  position  is  to  give  a  brief 

43  G.  A.  Smith,  The  Minor  Prophets ,  II,  pp.  459,  460. 

565 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


outline  of  his  argument :  ( I )  An  unusually  deep  spiritual 
tone  pervades  the  entire  book.  (2)  There  is  a  similar 
attitude  of  hope  and  expectation  in  both  parts  :  (a)  The 
whole  nation  is  expected  to  return;  (b)  Jerusalem  shall 
be  inhabited;  (c)  The  Temple  shall  be  built,  and  become 
the  center  of  the  nation’s  religious  life;44  (d)  the  Mes¬ 
sianic  hope  is  peculiarly  strong  in  both  parts;  (e)  peace 
and  prosperity  are  expected;  (/)  God’s  providence  is 
represented  as  extending  over  the  whole  earth.  (3)  The 
prophet’s  attitude  toward  the  nations,  the  enemies  of 
the  theocracy,  is  the  same  in  both  parts. 

That  there  are  resemblances  between  the  two  parts  is 
not  and  need  not  be  denied,  but  do  the  similarities 
enumerated  prove  anything?  If  they  prove  that  the  two 
parts  come  from  one  and  the  same  author,  it  becomes  a 
very  simple  matter  to  prove,  by  the  same  line  of  rea¬ 
soning,  that  the  same  author  wrote  a  number  of  other 
prophetic  books.  Vague  and  general  resemblances  in 
ideas,  such  as  may  be  found  between  the  two  parts,  can 
be  noted  between  other  prophetic  writings  coming  cer¬ 
tainly  from  different  authors,  and  yet  who  would  claim 
in  these  cases  that  they  prove  common  authorship  ? 
Again  the  real  question  is  whether  the  differences  in  ideas 
can  be  harmonized  with  belief  in  unity  of  authorship. 
Such  differences  are  discovered  as  soon  as  one  goes  be¬ 
yond  the  general  thought  and  attempts  a  comparison  of 
details.  For  instance,  in  chapters  9  to  14  there  is  not 
the  slightest  concern  for  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple, 
while  in  chapters  1  to  8  the  sublimest  hopes  center  around 
the  completion  of  Yahweh’s  sanctuary.  Again,  wdiile  the 

44  Under  this  head  Robinson  gives  as  references  from  the  second  part 
9.  8;  14.  20,  21.  Do  these  verses  contain  anything  that  could  possibly 
be  construed  as  a  promise  of  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple? 

566 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


Messianic  hope  is  strongly  developed  in  both  parts,  there 
are  marked  differences  between  the  Messianic  ideas  and 
ideals  of  I  to  8  and  those  of  9  to  14.45  Moreover,  along¬ 
side  of  a  few  general  similarities  in  the  hopes  for  the 
future  of  the  Jewish  community  may  be  seen  striking 
differences  in  detail.46  Equally  noteworthy  is  the  silence 
in  chapters  12  to  14  concerning  a  return  from  exile.47 
As  in  all  investigations  of  this  character,  a  mathematical 
demonstration  may  not  be  possible,  but  the  facts 
enumerated  make  it,  to  say  the  least,  highly  probable,  if 
not  practically  certain,  that  chapters  9  to  14  do  not  come 
from  Zechariah,  the  son  of  Berechiah,  the  son  of  Iddo. 

Unity  of  Chapters  9  to  14.  Even  within  chapters  9  to 
14  the  question  of  unity  has  been  raised.  Nowack,  for 
example,  finds  no  less  than  four  originally  independent 
pieces  ;48  so  also  Mitchell  ;49  but  most  commentators,  who 
doubt  the  unity  of  the  six  chapters  distinguish  only  two 
independent  portions,  (1)  chapters  9  to  11  +  13.  7-9; 
(2)  1 2.  1  to  13.  6  +  x4-  i-2i.  That  some  differences 
exist  between  these  two  portions  is  admitted  even  by 
those  who  believe  that  both  come  from  one  and  the  same 
author.  The  more  important  of  these  differences  are 
as  follows:  (1)  Chapters  9  to  11  speak  of  a  return  from 
exile;50  chapters  12  to  14  are  silent  concerning  it;  (2) 


45  Compare,  for  instance,  3.  8;  6.  12,  13,  with  9.  9,  10  and  chapter  8 
with  chapter  14. 

46  Compare  1.  21;  2.  8-1 1;  8.  7,  8,  with  12.  2ff. 

47  Compare  2.  6ff.  Other  differences  are  brought  out  in  the  section 
dealing  with  the  Teaching  of  the  book;  see  below,  pp.  587-591. 

48  (1)  Chapter  9  (10.  1,  2),  10.  3  to  11.  3;  (2)  n.  4-17  +  13.  7-9;  (3) 
12.  1  to  13.  6;  (4)  chapter  14  {Die  Kleinen  Propheten ,  pp.  346-350). 

49  (1)  9.  1-10;  (2)  9.  11  to  II.  3;  (3)  II-  4-17  +  13-  7-9;  (4)  12.  1-13; 
chapter  14  ( Zechariah ,  pp.  258,  259). 

60  For  instance,  10.  8,  9. 


567 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


the  first  part  speaks  of  a  Messianic  king;51  in  the  second 
Yahweh  himself  is  king;52  (3)  in  the  first  part  the  pic¬ 
ture  of  the  future  is  comparatively  simple;  in  the  second 
it  is  ‘‘highly  imaginative  and  obscure”;  (4)  in  the  first 
part  the  horse  is  to  be  cut  off  from  Jerusalem;53  in  the 
second  it  is  retained;54  (5)  Ephraim  and  Joseph  are  com¬ 
mon  names  in  the  first  part  ;55  they  are  not  found  at  all  in 
chapters  12  to  14.  On  the  other  hand,  it  may  be  pointed 
out  that  the  two  sections  speak  in  the  same  manner  of 
idolatry,  of  the  nations,  their  punishment  and  conversion, 
and  that  language  and  style  favor  unity  of  authorship. 
That  one  author  is  responsible  for  the  whole  section  is 
the  opinion  of  Stade,  based  upon  a  most  thorough  investi¬ 
gation  of  the  question.56  On  the  other  hand,  cautious 
and  conservative  scholars  like  Driver  and  Kirkpatrick 
are  inclined  to  recognize  two  sources.57  The  data  are 
much  less  numerous  and  decisive  than  they  are  in  the 
case  of  chapters  1  to  8  and  9  to  14,  and  with  our  present 
knowledge  or  lack  of  knowledge  it  may  be  best  to  leave 
the  unity  of  the  second  part  of  the  book  an  open  question, 
though  to  the  present  writer  the  internal  evidence  in 


61  9. 9, 10 

62 14. 16. 

63  9.  10. 

64 14.  20. 

66  Chapter  10. 

66  Zeitschrift  fuer  Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  1881,  pp.  iff.;  18821 
I5iff. ;  275ff.  Cheyne,  also  after  careful  investigation,  writes:  “With 
perhaps  one  or  two  exceptions,  chapters  9  to  1 1  and  12  to  14  are  so  closely 
welded  together  that  even  analysis  is  impossible.”  With  these  conclu¬ 
sions  agree  also  Wellhausen,  Cornill,  Marti,  and  several  other  scholars 
who  ordinarily  show  no  predisposition  for  conservative  views. 

67  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction ,  pp.  348ff.;  A.  F.  Kirkpatrick,  Doctrine 
of  the  Prophets ,  p.  443ff. ;  so  numerous  other  scholars,  some,  as  has  been 
pointed  out,  recognizing  as  many  as  four  sources. 

568 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


favor  of  diversity  of  authorship  appears  to  be  stronger 
than  that  favoring  unity. 

Date  of  Chapters  p  to  14.  If  chapters  9  to  14  do  not 
come  from  the  sixth-century  Zechariah,  is  it  possible  to 
determine  their  date?  In  the  investigation  of  this  point 
we  find  ourselves  face  to  face  with  evidence  that  seems 
to  point  in  different  directions ;  consequently,  some 
scholars  favor  a  preexilic,58  others,  among  them  prac¬ 
tically  all  the  more  recent  writers,  a  postexilic  date.  The 
defenders  of  a  preexilic  date,  with  few  exceptions,  insist 
that  chapters  9  to  14  contain  two  separate  oracles,  com¬ 
ing  from  two  authors,  living  at  different  periods.  The 
first  oracle,  chapters  9  to  11,  is  commonly  assigned  to 
the  latter  part  of  the  eighth  century;59  chapters  12  to  14, 
chiefly  on  account  of  12.  11,  to  the  years  between  the 
death  of  Josiah  and  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  that  is,  be¬ 
tween  608  and  586  b.  c. 

1.  Date  of  Chapters  p  to  11.  Since  the  two  parts, 
chapters  9  to  11  and  12  to  14  present  marked  differences, 
and  since  many  scholars  are  inclined  to  assign  them  to 
different  dates,  it  may  be  advisable  to  consider  the  dates 
of  the  two  parts  separately.  The  evidence  advanced  in 
favor  of  a  preexilic  date  for  9  to  1 1  may  be  summarized 
as  follows:  (1)  The  kingdoms  of  Judah  and  Israel,  or 
Ephraim,  are  still  standing.60  (2)  A  partial  exile  of  the 
northern  kingdom  is  implied.61  If  a  complete  exile  were 
implied,  a  date  subsequent  to  the  fall  of  Samaria,  in 
722/721  would  have  to  be  assumed;  but,  as  has  been 


68  Some  recognize  a  postexilic  redaction  and  postexilic  additions. 

69  The  suggestion  has  been  made  that  the  Zechariah  named  in  Isa. 
8.  2  may  be  the  author. 

C09.  10,  13;  10.  6. 

61  10.  6,  8-10. 


569 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


stated,  other  passages  suggest  that  the  northern  kingdom 
is  still  standing.  Moreover,  the  mention  of  Gilead,  in 
io.  io,  makes  it  probable  that  the  districts  east  of  the 
Jordan  had  recently  passed  through  severe  suffering; 
which  points  to  a  date  after  734,  when  Galilee  and 
Gilead  were  devastated  by  Tiglath-pileser  IV.62  (3) 

Both  Egypt  and  Assyria  are  still  powerful  empires;63 
the  arrogance  of  Assyria  is  at  its  height.64  (4)  The 
prophet  expects  the  avenger  to  come  from  the  northeast, 
destroying  in  order  Syria,  Phoenicia,  Philistia,65  which 
is  the  road  Sennacherib  took  in  702/701  b.  c.66  (5)  The 

prophecy  implies  that  there  is  danger  of  a  rupture  be¬ 
tween  Israel  and  Judah.67  (6)  The  threat  against 
Damascus  is  appropriate  in  the  eighth  century.68  (7) 
The  expression  “flock  of  slaughter/’69  the  vivid  picture 
of  oppression70  and  of  the  cutting  off  of  three  shepherds 
in  one  month,71  reflect  the  state  of  anarchy  and  foreign 
entanglements  following  the  death  of  Jeroboam  II.72 
(8)  Idolatry  and  soothsaying  are  widespread.73  (9) 

62  2  Kings  15.  29. 

63  10.  9-11. 

64  IO.  II. 

65  9.  1-7. 

66  Taylor  Cylinder ,  II,  34ft.;  R.  W.  Rogers,  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the 
Old  Testament ,  pp.  340!!. 

67  II.  14;  compare  2  Kings  16.  5,  6. 

68  Compare  2  Kings  16.  9. 

69  11.  4. 

70  n.  5. 

71  11.  8. 

72  See  above,  p.  369.  Two  of  the  shepherds  are  thought  to  be  Zech- 
ariah  and  Shallum  (2  Kings  15.  8-15).  To  account  for  the  third  it  is 
said  that  during  a  period  of  such  anarchy  a  third  rival  king  may  easily 
have  arisen ;  his  name  may  have  been  omitted  in  Kings  because  he  was 
quickly  put  out  of  the  way. 

73  10.  2;  compare  Isa.  2.  6-8. 


570 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


The  picture  of  the  Messianic  king  resembles  the  descrip¬ 
tions  of  the  eighth-century  prophets.74  (io)  The  style 
and  vivid  imagery  have  their  counterparts  in  Hosea. 
(n)  The  chapters  reveal  other  similarities  with  the 
eighth-century  prophets.75 

Are  these  arguments  conclusive  ?  A  closer  study  soon 
reveals  the  fact  that  several  of  them  have  little  or  no 
weight.  For  instance,  (8)  loses  all  its  force  in  view  of 
Mai.  3.  8;76  (9)  must  be  set  aside,  for  the  picture  of 
the  Messianic  king  is  not  identical  with  those  of  the 
eighth  century;  on  the  contrary,  it  contains  features  for¬ 
eign  to  that  age;  besides,  9.  9  reads  as  if  the  “daughter 
of  Zion”  had  no  king  at  the  time  the  words  were  uttered. 
The  resemblances  enumerated  under  (10)  and  (11)  may 
be  explained  on  the  assumption  that  the  author  of  chap¬ 
ters  9  to  11  was  acquainted  with  the  utterances  of  the 
eighth-century  prophets.  Argument  (7)  also  is  without 
much  force.  The  first  two  passages  relied  upon  may  be 
taken  as  descriptions  of  the  troubled  conditions  in  post- 
exilic  times  which  are  portrayed  also  in  the  books  of 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah;  the  third  passage  cannot  be  fitted 
into  the  eighth  century  without  importing  a  ruler  of 
whom  no  hint  is  given  anywhere  in  the  Old  Testament. 
Argument  (5)  does  not  necessarily  point  to  the  preexilic 
period.  If  the  staff  “Bands”  signifies,  not  a  united  na¬ 
tion,  but,  as  is  more  probable,  a  promise  of  reunion,77 
the  prophecy  fits  equally  well  into  the  postexilic  period; 
for  the  expectation  of  a  reunion  of  north  and  south  is  a 


74  Compare  9.  9,  10  with  Isa.  9.  6,  7  and  Mic.  5.  2-5a. 

76  9.  10;  10.  4,  5  are  compared  with  Mic.  5.  5-1 1  and  Isa.  9.  6,  7;  9. 
1-7  with  Amos  1.  3ff.;  10.  10  with  Mic.  7.  12,  13. 

7(5  Compare  also  Josephus,  Antiquities  VIII,  2,  5. 

77  See  comment  on  11.  14  in  F.  C.  Eiselen,  Minor  Prophets,  p.  666. 

571 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


common  feature  of  postexilic  prophecy.78  Thus  inter¬ 
preted,  ii.  14  would  refer  to  the  destruction  of  the  hope 
of  a  final  complete  union  between  north  and  south,  which 
was  an  essential  condition  of  ultimate  triumph.  Again, 
(2)  does  not  prove  a  preexilic  dat£;  at  the  most,  it 
permits  it.  The  statements  receive  a  much  more  natural 
interpretation  if  applied  to  the  exiles  of  both  north  and 
south.  Do  9.  10,  13  and  10.  6  really  prove  that  the  king¬ 
doms  of  Israel  and  Judah  are  in  existence?  (1)  In  9. 
10  the  prophet  speaks  of  the  Messianic  age.  The  restora¬ 
tion  of  both  kingdoms  in  connection  with  the  dawn  of 
the  Messianic  era  is  expected  by  all  the  prophets;  and 
all  that  the  prophet  assumes  in  the  references  given  is  the 
completion  of  the  restoration,  to  which  he  looks  forward 
with  yearning  assurance.79  This  leaves  three  closely  re¬ 
lated  arguments,  namely,  (3),  (4),  and  (6).  The  occur¬ 
rence  of  the  name  “Assyria”  does  not  prove  the  existence 
of  Assyria  as  a  world  power;  for  the  name  is  used  of 
Babylon,80  Persia,81  and,  at  a  later  time,  of  Syria.82 
Egypt  may  have  been  named  as  the  typical  oppressor  of 
Israel,83  or  the  reference  may  be  to  the  Egypt  of  the 
Ptolemies.  True,  Syria,  Phoenicia,  and  Philistia  are  con- 

78  For  instance,  8.  13. 

79  Surely,  there  is  no  reason  for  doubting  that  in  the  several  returns, 
beginning  with  537  B.  C.,  many  descendants  of  northern  families 
returned  to  Palestine. 

80  Lam.  5.  6. 

81  Ezra  6.  22. 

82  Evidently,  the  power  of  Assyria  made  such  deep  and  permanent 
impression  that  even  long  after  the  fall  of  the  empire  the  name  was 
retained  as  a  designation  of  its  powerful  successors.  With  this  usage 
may  be  compared  the  expression  “land  of  Ornri”  or  “house  of  Omri,” 
found  as  a  designation  of  Israel  in  Assyrian  inscriptions  long  after  the 
death  of  Omri  himself. 

83  Compare  Joel  3.  19. 


572 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


demned  by  Amos  because  of  their  cruelties;84  however, 
it  is  noteworthy  that  in  9.  1-7  these  nations  are  not  spoken 
of  as  present  enemies  of  Judah;  but  even  if  they  were 
mentioned  as  such,  the  possibility  of  a  postexilic  date 
would  not  be  excluded.  The  Philistines  continued  their 
hostility  down  to  the  Maccabean  period,  Phoenicia  is 
denounced  by  Ezekiel,  and  there  is  good  reason  for  sup¬ 
posing  that  the  passage  we  are  discussing  is  dependent  on 
Ezek.  28.  1-5;  Hadrach,  Hamath,  and  Damascus  might 
be  mentioned  in  postexilic  times  as  well  as  in  the  eighth 
century  b.  c. 

Over  against  these  arguments,  which  are  seen  to  be 
entirely  inadequate  to  prove  a  preexilic  date,  may  be 
placed  several  considerations  in  favor  of  a  postexilic 
origin:  (1)  A  natural  interpretation  of  9.  nff.  and  10. 
3ff.  makes  it  certain  that  not  only  a  partial  or  complete 
exile  of  the  northern  kingdom,  but  of  Judah  as  well,  is 
presupposed.  (2)  Whenever  the  older  prophets  announce 
judgment  upon  the  nations  they  are  careful  to  state  the 
causes  of  the  judgment.  This  is  not  done  in  the  post¬ 
exilic  writings,  because  their  wrong  doings  throughout 
the  centuries,  culminating  in  the  desecration  and  destruc¬ 
tion  of  the  holy  city,  are  well  known,  and  all  the  people 
recognize  that  the  nations  deserve  the  severest  retribu¬ 
tion.85  (3)  The  hostility  toward  Philistia,86  especially 
the  curse  pronounced  upon  Ashdod,87  is  more  intelligible 
in  postexilic  days.88  It  was  during  the  exile  that  the 
Edomites  began  to  press  westward  and  to  threaten  the 
Philistian  territory.  (4)  The  mention  of  the  “sons  of 
Greece”89  points  to  a  postexilic  date.  The  expression  it- 

84  Amos  1.  3-10.  87  Verse  6. 

86  Compare  9.  1-7.  88  Compare  Neh.  4.  7;  13.  24. 

86  9-  5-7*  89  9-  13- 


573 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


self,  it  is  true,  might  have  been  used  in  preexilic  times;90 
but  in  this  passage  Greece  is  thought  of  as  a  world  power, 
which  it  did  not  become  until  a  relatively  late  period. 
(5)  While  the  dependence  of  this  section  upon  other 
Old  Testament  writings  has  been  exaggerated,  especially 
by  Stade,  it  is  highly  probable  that  in  some  cases  the 
dependence  is  real,91  and  while  in  the  case  of  two  similar 
passages  it  is  always  difficult  to  determine  which  is  the 
original,  in  this  instance  those  who  have  given  the  sub¬ 
ject  the  most  thorough  consideration  are  firmly  convinced 
that  Zechariah  is  the  borrower.92 

All  the  points  which  are  but  briefly  covered  in  the 
preceding  paragraphs  are  discussed  at  length  by  Robin¬ 
son,  who  reaches  the  conclusion,  which  to  the  present 
writer  appears  well  founded,  that  every  passage  quoted 
in  favor  of  an  early  date  receives  an  equally  satisfactory, 
or  even  more  satisfactory,  explanation  when  assigned  to 
a  postexilic  date.  On  the  other  hand,  some  of  the  evi¬ 
dence  pointing  to  a  postexilic  date,  especially  the  con¬ 
siderations  mentioned  under  (1),  (4),  (5),  receives  no 
natural  interpretation  on  the  assumption  of  a  preexilic 
date.  We  may  conclude,  therefore,  that  chapters  9  to  11 
were  written  in  the  postexilic  period  by  a  prophet  who 

90  The  name  Yawan ,  “Greece,”  occurs  on  the  Tel-el-Amama  tablets, 
about  1400  b.  c. 

91  Compare,  for  example,  9.  1-8  with  Ezek.  28.  1-5;  chapter  11  with 
Ezek.  34  and  Jer.  25.  34-38;  10.  3-12  with  Hos.  2.  This  list  might  be 
enlarged,  but  the  references  given  are  sufficient  to  show  a  close  con¬ 
nection  in  thought  and,  sometimes,  in  form  of  expression,  with  other 
Old  Testament  writings. 

92  To  DeWette  the  evidence  in  favor  of  the  dependence  of  chapters 
9  to  14  on  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  other  prophets  proved  so  convincing, 
that,  after  defending  a  preexilic  date  for  many  years,  he  found  himself 
compelled,  on  this  ground  alone,  to  change  his  view  and  insist  on  a 
postexilic  date  for  the  chapters. 


574 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


was  thoroughly  familiar  with  the  more  ancient  sacred 
writings  of  his  people  and  who  may  have  availed  him¬ 
self,  to  a  considerable  extent,  of  preexilic  material. 

2.  Date  of  Chapters  12  to  14.  As  has  been  stated,  the 
defenders  of  a  preexilic  date  for  these  chapters  almost 
universally  assign  them  to  the  years  between  608  and  586 
b.  c.  In  favor  of  this  date  the  following  reasons  are 
advanced  :  ( 1 )  The  earthquake  in  Uzziah’s  reign  appears 
to  be  fresh  in  the  memories  of  the  people.93  (2)  The 
same  is  true  of  the  death  of  Josiah.94  (3)  Hostility  of 
Egypt  against  Judah  is  presupposed  in  14.  18,  which  fits 
the  reigns  of  Josiah  and  Jehoahaz.95  (4)  12.  10  is  best 
explained  as  a  reference  to  the  persecutions  during 
Manasseh’s  reign.96  (5)  According  to  13.  2-6  idolatry 
and  false  prophecy  are  prevalent.97  (6)  The  northern 
kingdom  has  disappeared;  all  interest  is  centered  in  Jeru¬ 
salem.98  (7)  The  references  to  the  “house  of  David”99 
indicate  that  the  kingdom  of  Judah  is  still  in  existence. 
(8)  The  predictions  of  the  siege  and  doom  of  Jeru¬ 
salem100  are  best  explained  as  pointing  to  the  impending 
destruction  of  the  city  by  the  Chaldeans. 

Again  it  must  be  said  that  the  arguments  advanced 
fail  to  establish  the  claims  made  by  the  defenders  of  a 
preexilic  date:  (1)  If  the  prophecy  is  dated  after  608 
b.  c.,  the  earthquake  occurred  about  a  century  and  a 


93 14-  5- 

94 12. 11. 

95  2  Kings  23.  28-30,  33. 

96  2  Kings  21. 

97  Compare  Jer.  23.  9ff. 

98  Attention  is  also  called  to  the  fact  that  in  14.  10  Geba  is  mentioned 
as  the  northern  boundary  of  Judah  (compare  2  Kings  23.  8). 

99  12.  7,  8,  10,  12. 

100  12.  2ff.;  14.  2ff. 


575 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


half  earlier,  which  excludes  personal  reminiscence;  but 
if  the  earthquake  was  terrible  enough  to  leave  a  vivid  im¬ 
pression  for  one  hundred  and  fifty  years,  it  may  well 
have  been  remembered  for  many  years  more.  (2)  The 
meaning  of  12.  11  is  uncertain,  but  even  if  the  passage 
refers  to  the  mourning  for  Josiah  it  does  not  prove  a 
preexilic  date.  The  tragic  death  of  the  reformer  king 
was  commemorated  for  centuries,  as  is  shown  by  2 
Chron.  35.  25,  which  gives  a  description  of  a  public 
mourning  for  the  king,  and  states  distinctly  that  the 
custom  was  continued  “unto  this  day,”  that  is,  the  day 
of  the  Chronicler,  about  300  b.  c.  (3)  14.  18  neither 
says  nor  implies  anything  concerning  the  hostility  of 
Egypt ;  the  latter  is  singled  out  for  an  entirely  different 
reason.101  (4)  It  is  mere  assumption  to  connect  12.  10 
with  the  persecution  under  Manasseh  or  with  the  murder 
of  Uriah  by  Jehoiakim.102  It  is  much  more  natural  to 
connect  it  with  the  events  described  in  11.  9ff.  (5)  False 
prophecy  was  not  unknown  in  the  postexilic  period.103 
(6)  True,  there  is  no  reference  to  the  northern  kingdom, 
but  this  silence  proves  only  that  the  northern  kingdom 
had  already  disappeared,  which  is  equally  true  of  the 
postexilic  period.  On  the  other  hand,  the  mention  of 

101  Egypt  is  singled  out  because  of  the  peculiar  condition  of  its 
climate.  It  is  not  dependent  directly  on  rain  for  fertility,  but  on  the 
overflowing  of  the  Nile,  due  to  heavy  rainfall  in  the  regions  south  of 
Egypt  proper.  The  threat  of  verse  18,  therefore,  would  have  no  special 
terror  for  Egypt,  and  some  might  draw  the  conclusion  that  Egypt  might 
refuse  to  worship  Yahweh.  Not  so,  says  the  prophet;  Egypt  also  must 
respond  or  suffer  severe  punishment. 

102  Jer.  26.  2off. 

103  Neh.  6.  ioff.;  Isa.  65.  iff.  Note  also  the  explanation  suggested  by 
several  scholars:  “The  prediction  of  the  final  extirpation  of  idolatry 
appears  to  be  a  repetition  of  Hosea’s  prediction  (2.  17)  and  does  not 
necessarily  imply  the  prevalence  of  idolatry.” 

576 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


Judah  does  not  necessarily  prove  the  existence  of  the 
southern  kingdom,  for,  as  is  clearly  shown  by  chapters 
i  to  8,  the  postexilic  community  is  commonly  called 
Judah.  (7)  While  the  “house  of  David”  is  mentioned 
there  is  no  reference  to  a  king;  and  1  Chron.  3.  17-24; 
Ezra  8.  2  prove  that  as  late  as  the  time  of  the  Chronicler, 
about  300  b.  c.,  the  descendants  of  David  were  reckoned 
as  a  distinct  family.  Moreover,  the  manner  in  which  the 
“house  of  Levi”  is  coordinated  with  the  “house  of 
David”104  points  to  the  postexilic  period,  when,  for  the 
first  time,  the  civil  and  ecclesiatical  rulers  possessed  equal 
authority.  (8)  The  predictions  in  chapters  12  and  14 
are  more  in  accord  with  the  apocalyptic  pictures  of  Joel 
and  Daniel,  both  late  postexilic  writings,  than  with  any 
announcements  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  found  in  Jere¬ 
miah  or  other  preexilic  writings. 

It  is  seen,  then,  that  all  the  passages  quoted  as  prov¬ 
ing  a  preexilic  date  can  be  explained  equally  well  as  com¬ 
ing  from  the  postexilic  period;  indeed,  some  of  them  re¬ 
ceive  a  much  more  natural  interpretation  if  the  later 
origin  is  assumed.  In  addition,  the  chapters  reveal  some 
features  that  strongly  favor  the  later  origin :  ( 1 )  The 
prominence  given  to  the  priestly  family  of  Levi;105  (2) 
the  prominent  place  assigned  to  the  feast  of  taber¬ 
nacles;106  (3)  the  dependence  upon  earlier  prophecies;107 
(4)  the  apocalyptic  character  of  the  entire  section.  The 
evidence  may  not  be  as  extensive  and  decisive  as  in  the 
case  of  chapters  9  to  11,  but  it  is  sufficiently  definite  to 


104  12.  I2ff. 

106 12.  12,  13. 

106 14.  16. 

107  Compare,  for  instance,  chapters  12  and  14  with  Ezek.  38  and  39; 
14.  8-1 1  with  Ezek.  47.  1-12;  12.  1  with  Isa.  51.  13. 

577 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


make  it  more  than  probable  that  chapters  12  to  14  also 
are  of  a  postexilic  date. 

Can  the  exact  date  or  dates  of  chapters  9  to  14  be  de¬ 
termined?  Kirkpatrick  is  content  with  saying:  “In  so 
difficult  a  question  it  is  necessary  to  speak  with  hesita¬ 
tion;  but  at  present  it  seems  to  me  that  these  chapters 
belong  to  the  same  class  of  apocalyptic  eschatological 
prophecy  as  Isa.  24  to  27,  and  may  with  considerable 
probability  be  assigned  to  the  same  period,  the  first  sixty 
or  seventy  years  after  the  return.”108  Wellhausen  dates 
chapters  9  to  11  +  13.  7-9  in  the  first  part  of  the  second 
century,  chapters  12  to  14,  in  the  “Maccabean  period,” 
which  means,  a  little  later.109  Nowack,  who  divides  the 
section  into  four  independent  parts,  assigns  9.  1  to  11. 
3110  to  the  period  “subsequent  to  Alexander  the  Great” ; 
of  11.  4-17  -f-  13.  7-9  he  says:  “This  alone  may  be  re¬ 
garded  as  beyond  doubt,  that  we  are  directed  to  a  time 
after  the  exile” ;  though  he  also  refers  favorably  to  Well- 
hausen’s  suggestion  that  the  passage  may  reflect  the  inci¬ 
dents  of  the  last  decade  preceding  the  Maccabean  up¬ 
rising.  Of  12.  1  to  13.  6  and  chapter  14  he  is  unwilling 
to  say  more  than  that  they  belong  to  the  later  post- 
exilic  times,  chapter  14  after  Malachi.* * 111  Marti,  who 
defends  unity  of  authorship,  thinks  that  the  entire  sec¬ 
tion,  with  the  possible  exception  of  10.  1,  2,  originated  in 
the  year  160  b.  c.112  Mitchell,  who  agrees  with 
Nowack  in  distinguishing  four  parts,113  writes:  “The 

108  Doctrine  of  the  Prophets ,  p.  445.  The  date  suggested  for  Isa.  24  to 
27  is  too  early  (see  vol.  I,  p.  173). 

101  Die  Kleinen  Propheten,  pp.  195,  198. 

110  With  the  exception  of  10.  1,  2. 

111  Die  Kleinen  Propheten ,  pp.  350-354. 

118  Das  Dodekapropheton,  p.  397. 

118  His  divisions,  however,  are  not  the  same  as  Nowack’s. 

578 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


introductory  verses114  are  a  distinct  prophecy  written 
soon  after  the  battle  of  Issus.115  This  was  made  the 
text  for  a  more  extended  utterance116  which  dates  from 
the  reign  of  Ptolemy  III.117  A  third  writer,  soon  after 
the  battle  of  Raphia,118  supplemented  this  combined  work 
by  a  pessimistic  picture119  of  the  situation  as  he  saw  it. 
About  the  same  time  a  fourth  writer  with  apocalyptic 
tendencies  undertook  to  present  the  whole  subject  in  a 
more  optimistic  light,  the  result  being  12.  1  to  13.  6  and 
chapter  14.”120 

The  divergence  of  opinion  is  due,  in  part,  to  our  igno¬ 
rance  concerning  conditions  in  Judah  during  the  post- 
exilic  period,  in  part,  to  the  indefiniteness  of  the  data 
supplied  by  the  chapters  themselves.  There  is,  indeed, 
only  one  reference  that  can  be  taken  as  a  starting  point. 
Joel,  about  400  b.  c.,  names  the  Greeks  as  a  distant  na¬ 
tion;121  in  Zech.  9.  13122  they  appear  as  a  foe  with  whom 
Judah  may  come  in  conflict  at  any  moment.  This  would 
fit  the  period  immediately  preceding  the  Palestinian  cam¬ 
paign  of  Alexander  in  332  b.  c.  It  has  been  suggested, 
however,  that  “Greece”  in  this  passage  may  mean  the 
Syrian  kingdom  of  the  Seleucidae,  formed  some  years 
after  the  death  of  Alexander,  and  that  the  reference  may 
be  to  the  struggles  between  Judah  and  the  Seleucidae, 


114  9. 1-IO. 

116  333  b.  c. 

118  9.  11  to  11.  3. 

117  247-222  B.  C. 

118  217  B.  C. 

119  II.  4-I7,  13.  7-9. 

120  Zechariah ,  pp.  258,  259. 

121  Joel  3.  6. 

122  There  is  insufficient  reason  for  regarding  the  words,  “thy  sons,  O 
Greece,"  a  later  interpolation. 


579 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


early  in  the  second  century  b.  c.,  which  finally  led  to  the 
Maccabean  uprisings.  With  this  identification  “Assyria” 
would  be  another  name  for  the  same  power,  while  Egypt 
would  be  the  kingdom  of  the  Ptolemies;  Damascus, 
Hadrach,  and  Hamath123  would  be  mentioned  as  im¬ 
portant  cities  of  the  Seleucid  kingdom;  the  three  shep¬ 
herds124  might  be  identified  with  three  leaders  of  the 
foreign  armies,  cut  off  in  these  struggles,  or,  if  the 
prophecy  is  brought  down  late  enough,  with  three  high 
priests,125  cut  off  in  the  troublous  days  of  the  Maccabean 
uprisings.  On  the  basis  of  9.  13  we  may  be  justified  in 
assigning  at  least  chapters  9  to  11  to  a  date  not  earlier 
than  350,  perhaps  to  the  days  immediately  following 
the  battle  of  Issus  in  333  b.  c.126  If  chapters  12  to  14 
come  from  the  same  author,  they  must  come  from  the 
same  period;  if  they  are  assigned  to  a  different  author, 
their  date  must  remain  uncertain,  for  the  data  in  these 
three  chapters  are  even  less  decisive  than  in  the  case  of 
chapters  9  to  1 1 ;  but  the  more  fully  developed  apocalyptic 
and  eschatological  features  point  to  a  time  certainly  not 
earlier  than  that  suggested  for  9  to  11,  and,  possibly, 
about  a  century  later. 

Literary  History  of  Chapters  9  to  14.  If  chapters  9 
to  14  do  not  come  from  the  author  of  chapters  1  to  8, 
how  is  it  that  at  present  they  form  a  part  of  the  book  of 
Zechariah  ?  It  must  be  admitted  that  to  this  question  no 


123  9.  1,  2. 

124  11.  8. 

126  Marti  thinks  of  Lysimachus,  Jason,  and  Menelaus. 

126  To  bring  the  chapters  down  to  160  B.  C.  would  make  it  difficult  to 
account  for  their  position  in  the  prophetic  canon,  which  seems  to  have 
been  completed  in  the  days  of  Jesus  ben  Sirach,  about  180  B.  C.  It 
would  also  seem  strange  to  have  one  and  the  same  power  referred  to 
both  as  Assyria  and  as  Greece,  and  nowhere  under  its  own  name. 

580 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


entirely  satisfactory  answer  has  been  found;127  but  the 
following  explanation,  which  is  widely  accepted,  has 
much  in  its  favor :  From  the  fact  that  Zech.  9  to  11,  Zech. 
12  to  14,  and  Mai.  1  to  4  have  similar  titles128  the  infer¬ 
ence  may  be  drawn  that  the  three  sections  came  into 
the  hands  of  the  collector  or  collectors  of  the  Minor 
Prophets  as  three  separate  anonymous  writings.  As 
such  he  naturally  placed  them  at  the  end  of  the  collec¬ 
tion,  and  in  doing  so  prefixed  to  Zech.  12.  1  and  Mai.  1. 
1  titles  similar  to  the  one  he  found  prefixed  to  Zech.  9. 
i.129  The  “messenger”  of  Mai.  3.  1  the  collector  identi¬ 
fied  with  the  author  of  the  book  and,  understanding  the 
Hebrew  equivalent  as  a  proper  noun,130  the  name  of  the 
author,  he  incorporated  it  in  the  title.  As  a  result  Malachi 
came  to  be  regarded  as  a  separate  book;  the  two  remain¬ 
ing  pieces,  still  anonymous,  in  the  course  of  time  came 
to  be  accepted  as  integral  parts  of  the  preceding  book 
whose  author  was  given. 

The  Prophet  and  His  Times.  The  prophet  Zechariah 
is  called,  in  1.  1,  “the  son  of  Berechiah,  the  son  of  Iddo;” 
in  Ezra  5.  1  and  6.  14,  “the  son  of  Iddo.”131  According 

127  Mitchell  closes  his  discussion  with  these  words:  “It  is  possible 
that  9.  i-io  was  originally  an  appendix  to  chapters  1  to  8,  and  that  the 
rest  were  added  in  their  order.  Since,  however,  there  is  no  clear  reference 
in  any  of  them  to  chapters  1  to  8,  it  seems  safer  to  suppose  that  no  part 
of  the  last  six  chapters  was  added  to  the  book  of  Zechariah  until  they  had 
all  been  written”  ( Zechariah ,  p.  259). 

128  Compare  9.  1;  12.  1;  Mai.  1.  1. 

129  Perhaps  it  is  better  to  assume  that  he  originated  all  three  titles. 

130  Hebrew,  Maleakhi,  equivalent  to  the  English  name  “Malachi.” 

131  Various  attempts  have  been  made  to  remove  the  discrepancy:  (1) 
It  is  suggested  that  Berechiah  may  have  died  young  or  at  least  may 
never  have  come  to  prominence,  and  that,  therefore,  the  name  of  the 
better-known  grandfather  came  to  be  attached  to  that  of  the  prophet. 
That  a  man  should  be  called  the  “son”  of  his  grandfather  is  explained 
by  the  loose  use  of  the  term  among  Semitic  peoples  (compare  Gen. 

581 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


to  Neh.  12.  4  Iddo  was  the  chief  of  one  of  the  priestly 
families  that  returned  from  exile  with  Zerubbabel  and 
Joshua.  In  the  Ezra  passages  it  is  stated  that  Zechariah, 
in  cooperation  with  Haggai,  was  instrumental  in  reviving 
interest  in  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple.132  In  Neh.  12. 
16  a  Zechariah  is  named  among  the  priests  under 
Joiakim,  the  son  of  Joshua;  if  this  Zechariah  is  identical 
with  our  prophet,  the  latter  was  not  only  of  priestly 
descent  but,  like  Ezekiel,  actually  combined  the  priestly 
and  the  prophetic  offices. 

For  other  information  concerning  the  prophet’s  life 
we  are  entirely  dependent  upon  the  book  bearing  his 
name.  According  to  1.  1  his  activity  began  in  the  eighth 
month  in  the  second  year  of  Darius,  that  is,  about  two 
months  after  Haggai  began  his  ministry.  The  last  date 
mentioned133  is  the  fourth  day  of  the  ninth  month  of 
the  fourth  year  of  Darius.  In  other  words,  the  recorded 
public  ministry  of  Zechariah  covered  only  about  two 
years,  from  November  520  to  December  518  b.  c.  In 
all  probability  the  prophet  was  a  comparatively  young 


29.  5  with  24.  24;  Ezra  7.  1  with  1  Chron.  6.  14,  15).  (2)  Some  have 
suggested  that  Zechariah,  the  son  of  Berechiah,  was  the  author  of 
Zech.  9  to  14,  Zechariah,  the  son  of  Iddo,  the  author  of  chapters  1  to 
8;  and  that  a  later  redactor  considering  the  two  as  one  and  the  same 
author,  combined  the  two  works  and  the  two  titles.  (3)  A  still  different 
view  assumes  that  a  copyist,  when  copying  the  title  “Zechariah,  the  son 
of  Iddo,”  was  reminded  of  Zechariah,  the  son  of  Jeberechiah  named  in 
Isa.  8.  2,  and  that,  erroneously  identifying  the  contemporary  of  Isaiah 
with  the  postexilic  prophet,  he  inserted  “son  of  Jeberechiah”  in  this 
place,  which  later  became  corrupted  to  “son  of  Berechiah.”  Whatever 
the  explanation  of  the  present  title  may  be,  Zechariah  may  be  regarded 
as  the  son  of  Iddo. 

132  The  Ezra  passages  are  probably  based  on  the  information  furnished 
in  the  books  of  Haggai  and  Zechariah. 

133  7.  1. 


582 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


man134  when  he  returned  to  Jerusalem  and  his  influence 
continued  for  many  years  subsequent  to  518  b.  c.135  Of 
his  later  life  nothing  is  known.  Tradition  states  that  he 
lived  to  a  ripe  old  age,  died  a  natural  death  in  Jeru¬ 
salem,136  and  was  buried  by  the  side  of  Haggai;  but 
these  and  other  traditions  and  legends  that  have  grown  up 
around  the  name  of  Zechariah  are  of  little  or  no  historical 
value. 

Conditions  reflected  in  chapters  1  to  8  are  identical 
with  those  forming  the  background  of  Haggai’s  message 
and  activity.137  They  called  for  a  prophet  with  a  liv¬ 
ing  faith  and  moral  earnestness.  The  lofty  anticipations 
of  the  exilic  and  preexilic  prophets  had  not  been  realized, 
the  foreign  oppressor  was  still  strong  and  powerful  while 
the  Jews  were  poor  and  feeble;  as  a  result,  the  first 
hopeful  enthusiasm  of  the  returned  exiles  had  been  dis¬ 
placed  by  despondency  and  gloom.138 


134  The  Christian  traditions  to  which  reference  is  made  in  connection 
with  Haggai  (see  above,  p.  550)  suggest  that  when  Zechariah  came  from 
Babylon  he  was  already  well  advanced  in  years  and  had  given  proof  of 
his  prophetic  qualifications  by  various  predictions  and  the  performance 
of  miracles. 

136  That  Zechariah  was  younger  than  Haggai  may  be  inferred  from 
the  following:  (1)  Everywhere  he  is  named  after  Haggai,  (2)  he  began 
his  public  ministry  later  than  Haggai,  and  (3)  he  continued  for  at  least 
two  years  more.  If  Neh.  12.  16  refers  to  our  prophet,  this  passage  also 
implies  that  he  continued  to  be  prominent  long  after  518. 

136  One  recension  of  Epiphanius,  erroneously  identifying  the  prophet 
with  Zechariah,  the  son  of  Jehoiada,  whose  martyrdom  is  recorded  in 
2  Chron.  24.  2off.,  states  that  the  prophet  was  put  to  death  by  Joash, 
king  of  Judah. 

137  See  above,  pp.  546-550,  and  pp.  559,  560. 

138  In  view  of  the  uncertainty  as  to  dates  nothing  can  be  added  to 
what  is  stated  above,  on  pp.  564,  565,  regarding  the  historical  back¬ 
ground  of  chapters  9  to  14.  For  an  attempt  to  give  a  more  detailed 
description  see  Mitchell,  Zechariah ,  pp.  251-257. 

583 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


Teaching.  For  the  sake  of  convenience  and  clearness 
the  two  divisions,  chapters  i  to  8  and  chapters  9  to  14 
respectively,  may  be  considered  separately. 

1.  Chapters  1  to  8.  (1)  Zechariah  differs  from  the 

great  prophets  who  preceded  him  in  three  points :  a.  The 
emphasis  on  visions  as  a  means  of  divine  communication; 
h.  the  apocalyptic  symbolism  entering  into  the  visions; 
c.  the  large  place  angelic  mediation  occupies  in  his  inter¬ 
course  with  Yahweh.  The  first  two  concern  chiefly  the 
form  of  revelation;  only  the  third  may  be  considered  as 
affecting  the  prophet’s  teaching.  In  the  account  of  the 
visions  appear  in  embryo  some  of  the  ideas  which  are 
found  in  more  developed  stages  of  development  in  the 
inter testamental  and  the  New  Testament  angelology. 
Closely  connected  with  the  increasing  emphasis  on  angels 
is  the  tendency,  so  widespread  in  later  Judaism,  to  con¬ 
sider  Yahweh  too  sacred  for  direct  contact  with  men  and 
to  remove  him  so  far  away  that  direct  communion  with 
him  came  to  be  thought  of  as  almost  impossible.  Even 
prophecy  seems  to  have  lost  in  a  measure  its  sense  of  im¬ 
mediate  communion  with  God;  at  any  rate,  the  prophet 
is  represented  as  receiving  his  instructions  through  an 
angel,  who  acts  as  intermediary,  interpreter,  and  guide. 
Angels  appear  in  the  unfolding  of  the  visions,  they  carry 
forward  the  events  symbolized  and  are  active  participants 
in  the  working  out  of  human  history.  A  somewhat 
different  phase  of  the  same  development  may  be  seen  in 
the  figure  of  “the  adversary”  or  “Satan,”  who  appears 
for  the  first  time  in  the  vision  of  the  trial  and  acquittal 
of  the  high  priest  Joshua.139  With  Zechariah  the  word  is 
not  yet  a  proper  name;  it  becomes  such  only  in  1  Chron. 


139 


3.  I-IO. 


584 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


21.  i ;  but  it  is  not  difficult  to  trace  the  thought  develop¬ 
ment  from  the  “adversary”  in  Zechariah140  to  the  figure 
called  by  the  same  name  and  playing  an  important  role 
in  the  prologue  of  the  book  of  Job,  to  “Satan” — now  a 
proper  name — in  i  Chron.  21.  1,  and  to  the  “Satan”  or 
“Devil”  of  the  intertestamental  and  New  Testament 
literature. 

(2)  The  Temple  occupies  a  unique  place  in  the  thought 
and  teaching  of  Zechariah.  From  beginning  to  end,  he, 
like  Haggai,  pleads  for  the  rebuilding  of  the  house  of 
Yahweh,  and  his  sublimest  promises  center  around  the 
completed  Temple.  The  high  regard  for  the  Temple  and 
the  priesthood  is  not  the  outgrowth  of  low  spiritual  con¬ 
ceptions,  but,  rather,  of  a  clear  appreciation  of  the  needs 
of  the  hour.  The  Jews  had  not  yet  reached  the  stage  of 
religious  development  in  which  forms  and  symbols  could 
be  discarded;  they  still  needed  the  Temple  as  a  symbol  of 
the  presence  of  their  God.  Furthermore,  in  an  age  when 
religion  was  the  only  bond  strong  enough  to  unite  the 
heterogeneous  elements  in  the  postexilic  community,  the 
Temple  was  needed  as  a  common  place  of  worship.  It 
is  exceedingly  doubtful  that  without  the  Temple  Jewish 
religion  could  have  been  preserved  during  the  century 
following  the  return  of  537  b.  c. 

(3)  Of  much  interest  are  the  Messianic  hopes  of 
Zechariah.  The  Temple  plays  a  prominent  part,  but 
only  as  an  earnest  of  better  things  to  come;  the  high 
priest  and  his  fellows  receive  honor,  but  only  as  a  “sign” 
of  one  greater  than  they,  namely,  “Branch.”  It  is  around 
the  person  of  this  Branch  that  the  hopes  of  Zechariah 
center.  It  is  he  who  will  complete  the  building  of  the 


140  See  margin  of  3.  1. 


585 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


Temple,  have  constant  access  to  Yahweh,  and  reign  in 
peace  forever.  The  prophet  identifies  Branch  with 
Zerubbabel;141  in  whose  person,  therefore,  a  descendant 
of  David  once  more  comes  to  the  front  as  destined  to 
occupy  the  royal  throne  in  the  kingdom  of  God.  The 
blessings  of  the  Messianic  age  will  be  both  temporal142 
and  spiritual;143  they  will  be  enjoyed  primarily  by  the 
Jews,  but  not  by  them  exclusively.  True,  some  of  the 
nations  are  destined  to  be  “a  spoil  to  those  that  served 
them,”  but  the  prophet  is  equally  emphatic  in  his  anticipa¬ 
tion  of  the  conversion  of  foreigners.144 

(4)  The  accusation  that  Zechariah  is  the  teacher  of  a 
heartless  and  unspiritual  formalism  is  not  well  founded, 
for  the  prophet  clearly  and  specifically  teaches  that  forms 
and  ceremonies  are  not  essential  elements  of  true  reli¬ 
gion;145  he  values  them  only  as  means  by  the  use  of 
which  men  may  be  led  into  purer  and  nobler  lives.  His 
conception  of  the  ideal  future  includes  the  removal  of 
sin  from  the  land  and  the  people.146  People,  city,  land, 
all  must  be  holy;  not  only  in  a  ceremonial  but  in  an 
ethical  sense  as  well,  if  they  are  to  enjoy  the  presence  of 
Yahweh  and  become  partakers  of  his  blessings. 

(5)  Zechariah  constantly  emphasizes  the  truth  that 
ultimate  triumph  is  dependent  on  divine  cooperation. 
The  words,  “Not  by  might,  nor  by  power,  but  by  my 
Spirit,  saith  Yahweh  of  hosts,”147  refer  primarily  to  the 

141  Compare  3.  8  with  4.  7-10  with  6.  9-13. 

142  For  example,  1.  17;  2.  4,  5. 

143  For  example,  2.  10;  3.  9. 

144  For  example,  2.  11;  8.  18-23. 

145  Compare  chapters  7  and  8. 

146  This  is  the  purpose  of  the  three  visions  of  the  trial  and  acquittal  of 
the  high  priest,  the  flying  roll,  and  the  woman  in  the  ephah. 

147  4.  6. 


586 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


rebuilding  of  the  Temple,  but  the  same  divine  aid  is 
needed  in  every  other  undertaking.  It  is  only  as  Yahweh 
gives  his  support  that  the  people  can  be  restored  to  their 
own  land,  there  to  live  in  joy  and  felicity  forever. 

2.  Chapters  p  to  14.  The  teaching  of  the  second  part 
of  Zechariah  differs  materially  from  that  of  chapters  1 
to  8.  The  angels  disappear  entirely;  in  chapters  1  to  8 
the  interest  centers  in  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple  and 
the  needs  of  the  restored  community  during  the  latter 
part  of  the  sixth  century  b.  c.,  in  chapters  9  to  14  the 
interest  centers  almost  exclusively  around  events  lead¬ 
ing  to  the  final  consummation  of  the  kingdom  of  God. 
Differences  may  be  noted  also  in  the  Messianic  ideas  and 
ideals  of  the  two  sections,148  and  in  the  pictures  of  the 
nation’s  future.149  The  distinctive  teaching  of  the  six 
chapters  may  be  summarized  as  follows  :150 

( 1 )  The  Messianic  King.  The  person  of  the  Messianic 
king  appears  only  in  9.  9,  10,  but  there  very  distinctly. 
The  low  estimate  placed  by  Nowack  on  the  personality 
described  in  these  verses  is  not  warranted.  “The  Mes¬ 
sianic  king,”  says  he,  “still  appears,  it  is  true,  in  9.  9L, 


148  Compare  3.  8  and  6.  12,  13  with  9.  9,  10;  chapter  8  with  chap¬ 
ter  14. 

149  Compare  1.  21;  2.  8-1 1;  8.  7,  8  with  12.  2ff.;  14.  iff.  The  differ¬ 
ences  arise  largely  from  the  fact  that  while  the  prophecies  in  chapters  1 
to  8  are  closely  connected  with  the  conditions  of  the  Jewish  community 
during  the  reign  of  Darius,  and  aim  to  meet  the  needs  of  that  day,  the 
utterances  in  chapters  9  to  14  cut  themselves  loose  from  these  conditions, 
and  to  a  large  extent  from  all  present  historical  surroundings — though, 
of  course,  historical  events  from  the  background  of  the  prophet’s 
pictures — and  deal  almost  exclusively  with  the  consummation  of  the 
kingdom  of  God.  The  entire  collection  is  essentially  apocalyptic  and 
eschatological. 

160  The  outline  followed  is  that  of  Kirkpatrick,  though  the  present 
writer  finds  it  necessary,  in  some  cases,  to  reject  his  interpretation. 

587 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


but  he  is  a  comparatively  meaningless  figure  which  might 
be  left  out  without  damaging  the  connection.  He  is  no 
longer  the  leader  in  the  conflict  against  enemies,  but 
exclusively  prince  of  peace,  with  an  extremely  passive 
character.  The  conception  of  the  final  king  had  at  this 
time  assumed  a  pale  cast,  that  it  might  be  able  to  take  on 
other  colors,  namely,  those  of  priest  and  prophet.”151 
That  the  verses  might  be  omitted  without  damaging  the 
connection  is  true,  but  no  more  so  than  in  the  case  of 
many  other  Messianic  passages  scattered  throughout  the 
Old  Testament  and,  in  fact,  of  hundreds  of  non-Mes- 
sianic  passages.  The  king  is  the  prince  of  peace  rather 
than  a  military  leader,  but  that  is  true  also  in  the  Mes¬ 
sianic  classic  in  Isa.  9.  2-7,  as  well  as  in  other  Messianic 
passages  of  less  importance.  To  say  that  the  king 
assumes  a  “pale  cast”  fails  to  do  justice  to  the  vivid  de¬ 
scription  which  in  some  respects  is  in  full  accord  with 
conceptions  expressed  in  other  prophetic  books.  How¬ 
ever,  two  new  features  are  introduced,  (1)  “having  sal¬ 
vation,”  that  is,  the  king  will  at  all  times  enjoy  the  divine 
help  and  favor,  so  that  all  he  undertakes  will  prosper,  and 
(2)  “lowly,”  that  is,  he  will  be  of  lowly  estate  and 
humble  in  spirit. 

(2)  The  Rejected  Shepherd.  The  passages  demand¬ 
ing  special  consideration  are  11.  4-14  and  11.  15-17  + 
13.  7~ 9-  the  former  passage  Yahweh  is  represented 

as  commanding  the  prophet  to  take  charge  of  his  op¬ 
pressed  flock,  to  guard  and  protect  it;  but,  finding  him¬ 
self  thwarted  in  the  carrying  out  of  his  gracious  purpose, 
the  prophet  finally  decides  to  abandon  the  flock.  A  fool¬ 
ish  shepherd  takes  his  place,  who  neglects  and  ill-treats 


161  Die  Kleinen  Propheten,  p.  354. 

588 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


the  flock,  but  he  is  to  be  cut  off  by  Yahweh.152  What, 
then,  is  the  teaching  of  this  parable  ?  Undoubtedly  the 
prophet  has  in  mind  prophecies  like  Jer.  23.  1-8;  Ezek. 
34;  37.  24ff.,  which  connect  the  raising  up  of  the  good 
shepherd  with  the  Messianic  era  of  the  future.  At  the 
same  time,  it  seems  quite  certain  that  the  Zechariah  pas¬ 
sage  does  not  point  to  the  future,  but  describes  Yahweh’s 
dealings  with  Israel  in  the  past;  only  11.  17  +  13.  7-9 
point  to  the  future.153  Evidently,  the  allegory  contains  a 
solemn  warning  that  the  divine  care  and  grace  may  be 
frustrated  by  human  obstinacy.  It  has  been  done  again 
and  again  in  the  past,  it  has  been  done  in  the  immediate 
past  to  which  the  prophecy  points,  and  it  may  occur  again, 
unless  the  prophet’s  contemporaries  take  heed.  The 
promises  in  chapters  9  and  10  are  glorious.  Will  they  be 
realized  ?  All  will  depend  upon  the  attitude  of  those  for 
whom  the  blessings  are  intended. 

(3)  The  Restored  and  Penitent  People.  All  the 
eschatological  hopes  of  chapters  9  to  14  center  around  the 
restored  Jewish  community.  Chapters  10  and  11  promise 
the  restoration  and  reunion  of  Judah  and  Ephraim  under 
the  rule  of  the  Messianic  king  and  the  triumph  of  the 
reunited  people  over  all  enemies;  11.  1-3  continues  the 
thought;  the  rest  of  the  chapter  sounds  a  warning: 
exaltation  and  glorification  can  be  theirs  only  on  certain 

162  Notwithstanding  all  that  has  been  said  to  the  contrary,  it  seems 
best  to  interpret  13.  7-9  as  describing  the  fate  of  the  foolish  shepherd 
and  his  flock;  yet  the  passage  also  implies  that  the  good  shepherd  was 
cruelly  rejected  and  12.  10,  which  alludes  to  the  fate  of  the  good  shep¬ 
herd,  calls  his  rejection  a  “piercing”  of  Yahweh. 

153  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  state  that  the  rejection  of  the  good 
shepherd  in  this  parable  cannot  be  made  a  direct  prophecy  of  the 
rejection  of  Jesus.  However,  it  may  be  regarded  as  a  type  of  his  re¬ 
jection  just  as  the  good  shepherd  of  the  parable  may  be  regarded  as  a 
type  of  the  good  shepherd  of  John  10. 

589 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


conditions;  their  rebellious  attitude  has  frequently  robbed 
them  of  Yahweh’s  favor;  it  may  do  so  again,  and  in¬ 
stead  of  immediate  salvation  additional  judgments  may 
be  their  fate.154  Both  12.  1-9  and  14.  1-15  announce 
that  these  judgments  will  fall;  at  the  same  time  they 
promise  that  in  the  end  the  Jews  will  triumph  over  all 
their  enemies  and  enjoy  abundant  temporal  prosperity.155 
Temporal  prosperity,  however,  is  only  one  phase  of  the 
eschatological  hope  of  the  chapters;  for,  according  to  12. 
10  to  13.  6,  9;  14.  20,  21,  rich  spiritual  gifts  also  await 
the  redeemed  remnant.  Uncleanness,  even  the  spirit  of 
uncleanness,  will  be  taken  away  as  well  as  everything 
else  that  in  any  wise  might  hinder  direct  personal  com¬ 
munion  with  Yahweh.  Ceremonial  holiness  plays  a 
prominent  part  in  the  expectation,156  but  the  emphasis 
which  the  author  places  on  moral  and  spiritual  regenera¬ 
tion157  and  heartfelt  repentance158  furnishes  sufficient 
evidence  to  show  that  the  author  of  these  chapters,  like 
the  preexilic  prophets,  was  not  without  proper  apprecia¬ 
tion  of  the  essential  elements  of  Yahweh  religion. 

(4)  The  Divine  Sovereignty.  Chapters  9  to  14  are 
not  behind  chapters  1  to  8  in  announcing  that  during 
the  Messianic  era  Yahweh  will  be  supreme  over  all  the 
nations.  True,  Jerusalem  and  Judah  will  enjoy  in  a 
special  manner  the  divine  favor;  true,  the  nations  will 


154 13-  7-9* 

165  According  to  12.  2ff.  the  destructive  blow  will  fall  upon  the  enemies 
before  they  can  take  the  city;  according  to  14.  iff.  the  city  will  suffer 
temporary  defeat;  then  Yahweh  will  appear,  the  nations  will  be  com¬ 
pletely  routed,  and  their  wealth  will  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Jews.  In 
both  cases  final  triumph  is  assured. 

166  14.  20,  21. 

157  13.  iff. 

158  12.  10-14. 


590 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


suffer  terrible  disasters;  but  when  the  last  conflict  is 
over,  a  remnant  of  the  nations  will  “worship  the  king, 
Jehovah  of  hosts.”159  Yahweh  will  rule  in  the  midst  of 
his  people,  with  Jerusalem  as  the  center  of  his  realm,  and 
unto  this  center  many  nations  will  come,  saying,  “He 
will  teach  us  of  his  ways,  and  we  will  walk  in  his  paths : 
for  out  of  Zion  shall  go  forth  the  law,  and  the  word  of 
Jehovah  from  Jerusalem.”160 

12.  The  Book  of  Malachi 

Name.  In  the  case  of  all  the  other  books  in  the  col¬ 
lection  of  Minor  Prophets  the  confession  has  to  be  made 
that  little  or  nothing  is  known  of  the  authors.  Here  the 
uncertainty  extends  even  to  the  name,  for  it  is  doubtful 
that  Malachi*  1  is  a  proper  name  at  all.  If  it  is  a  noun,  it 
may  be  translated  “my  messenger”  or  “my  angel,”  neither 
of  which  seems  quite  appropriate  as  a  child’s  name. 
Some  take  it  to  be  an  adjective,  like  Haggai,2  meaning 
“angelic”;  others  consider  it  an  abbreviated  form  of  a 
name  meaning  “messenger  of  Yahweh,”3  but  names 
formed  after  the  same  pattern  would  suggest  the  transla¬ 
tion  “my  messenger  is  Yahweh,”  which  again  seems  un¬ 
suitable  as  a  child’s  name.  *  Of  course  analogy  with  the 
other  books  would  favor  the  view  that  the  name  pre¬ 
fixed  to  a  book  is  the  name  of  its  author,  but  over  against 
this  one  consideration  several  may  be  adduced  in  favor 
of  the  theory  that  the  prophecy  is  anonymous  and  that 

169 14.  16-19. 

160  Isa.  2.  3. 

1  Hebrew,  *'!pNb72,  Malcakhi\  Septuagint,  MaXaxtas,  Malachias,  Vulgate, 

Malachias. 

2  See  above,  p.  541. 

3  JTONbtt,  Maleakhiyyah. 


591 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


Malachi  was  introduced  in  the  heading,  at  a  later  time, 
from  3.  1,  where  the  same  Hebrew  word  is  translated 
“my  messenger”  or  “my  angel”  :4  ( 1 )  The  similarity  of 
Mai.  1.  1  with  Zech.  9.  1  and  12.  1,  the  titles  of  two 
anonymous  utterances,  favors  the  theory  that  the  former 
also  was  added  by  the  collector  of  the  Minor  Prophets, 
to  whom  all  three  utterances  came  without  headings.5 

(2)  The  name  occurs  nowhere  else  in  the  Old  Testament. 

(3)  Neither  the  Septuagint  nor  the  Targum,  the  two 
oldest  translations,  understood  it  as  a  proper  name.6  (4) 
The  absence  of  the  father’s  name,  given  in  the  case  of 
most  other  prophets.7  (5)  To  these  arguments  may  be 
added  the  considerations  already  mentioned,  namely,  the 
absence  of  all  information  concerning  such  a  man  and  the 
difficulty  of  finding  a  meaning  for  the  name  that  would 
make  it  appropriate  as  a  child’s  name.  But,  whatever 
the  original  significance  of  the  word  may  have  been,  by 
the  second  century  a.  d.  it  had  come  to  be  generally  ac¬ 
cepted  as  a  proper  name.8^ 

^Contents  and  Outline.  The  literary  form  of  Malachi 


4  From  3.  1  it  has  even  been  conjectured  that  the  author  was  an 

incarnate  angel.  * 

6  See  above,  p.  581.  The  compiler,  understanding  “my  messenger” 
in  3.  1  as  a  proper  name,  or  as  in  some  way  a  designation  of  the  author, 
or  as  a  term  descriptive  of  his  office  and  so  capable  of  being  applied  to 
him  symbolically,  embodied  the  expression  in  the  title. 

6  The  former  reads  “by  the  hand  of  his  messenger”;  the  latter,  “by 
the  hand  of  my  messenger,  whose  name  is  called  Ezra  the  Scribe.” 
The  identification  of  the  author  with  Ezra  continued  to  be  the  Jewish 
tradition  for  many  centuries. 

17  But  compare,  for  instance,  Obad.  1;  Hab.  1.  1. 

^  8  The  two  Greek  translations  of  Theodotion  and  Symmachus,  both 
made  in  the  second  century  a.  d.,  take  it  as  a  proper  name;  so  also  the 
Syriac  translation  known  as  the  Peshitto,  coming  from  approximately 
the  same  time. 


592 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


differs  from  that  of  the  other  prophetic  books.  Instead 
of  attempting  the  rhetorical  development  of  ideas,  as  was 
done  by  the  earlier  prophets,  the  author  uses  a  dialectical 
and  didactic  style.  He  briefly  states  the  truth  which  he 
desires  to  enforce;  over  against  the  simple  proposition 
he  sets  an  objection  which  he  assumes  may  be  raised; 
to  this  he  replies,  and  in  doing  so  reasserts  and  expands 
the  original  statement.9  In  the  book  of  Malachi,  there¬ 
fore,  we  have  the  beginning  of  the  method  of  exposi¬ 
tion  which  later  became  universal  in  the  synagogues  and 
the  Jewish  schools.10  ^ 

Because  of  the  peculiar  style  of  the  book  it  has  been 
questioned  whether  the  oracles  contained  in  it  were  ever 
delivered  orally.  If  they  were,  as  seems  very  probable, 
we  have  in  the  book,  not  a  verbal  reproduction,  but  an 
epitome  of  several  addresses,  arranged  so  systematically 
that  the  book  has  the  appearance  of  a  single  continuous 
discourse.  The  peculiar  method  of  instruction  makes 
the  style  appear  more  prosaic  than  that  of  the  earlier 
prophets;  only  once  or  twice  does  it  rise  to  a  higher 
level.11  The  diction,  on  the  whole  pure,  betrays  some 
marks  of  a  late  date. 

The  book  falls  naturally  into  three  sections  of  unequal 


0  Compare,  for  instance,  i.  2ff.;  i.  6ff.;  2.  10,  14,  17;  3.  7,  8,  13. 
n/10  Regarding  this  change  in  the  method  of  prophetic  instruction  G.  A. 
Smith  says:  “Just  as  with  Zephaniah  we  saw  prophecy  passing  into 
apocalypse,  and  with  Habakkuk  into  the  speculation  of  the  schools  of 
wisdom,  so  now  in  Malachi  we  perceive  its  transformation  into  the 
scholasticism  of  the  rabbis.”  During  the  interval  between  Zechariah 
and  Malachi,  says  the  same  author,  “prophecy  seems  to  have  been 
driven  from  public  life,  from  the  sudden  enforcement  of  truth  in  the 
face  of  the  people  to  the  more  deliberate  and  orderly  argument  which 
marks  the  teacher  who  works  in  private”  ( Minor  Prophets ,  II,  p.  346). 

11  3.  iff.;  4.  1-3. 


593 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


length,12  with  a  prologue13  and  an  epilogue.14  The  pro¬ 
logue  forms  the  basis  of  all  the  subsequent  utterances. 
In  the  opening  words  the  prophet  meets  the  criticism 
that  Yahweh  no  longer  loves  his  people15  by  the  assertion, 
“I  have  loved  you,  saith  Yahweh,”  and  insists  further 
that  all  they  need  to  do  to  convince  themselves  of  the 
divine  love  is  to  compare  their  own  history  with  that 
of  Edom.16  Because  of  all  he  has  done  and  is  doing 
for  the  people  Yahweh  has  a  right  to  expect  reverence 
and  gratitude ;  but  the  character  of  the  people’s  offerings 
shows  that  they  have  no  proper  regard  or  affection  for 
him ;  their  offerings  are  less  acceptable  than  the  worship 
of  foreign  nations ;  cursed  be  every  one  who  thus  insults 
Yahweh.17  Unless  the  priests  heed  the  warning  and  re¬ 
turn  to  the  ideals  of  the  covenant  made  with  Levi  dis¬ 
grace  and  contempt  will  be  their  portion.18  Since  Yah¬ 
weh  is  the  father  of  Israel,  the  individual  Israelites  are 
brothers  and  sisters,  but  they  have  disregarded  the  obliga¬ 
tions  springing  from  this  relationship,  by  entering  into 
mixed  marriages  and  putting  away  Jewish  wives.  Yah¬ 
weh  abominates  such  conduct  and  demands  that  they 
desist  from  it.19  The  next  section  contains  denuncia¬ 
tions  of  the  spirit  of  indifference  and  skepticism  which 
is  the  root  of  all  the  religious  and  moral  corruption  con- 

12  i.  6  to  2.  9;  2.  10-16;  2.  17  to  4.  3. 

13  1.  2-5. 

14  4.  4-6.  With  the  possible  exception  of  this  epilogue,  the  entire  book 
may  be  credited  to  one  and  the  same  author;  even  minor  editorial  ad¬ 
ditions  and  changes  are  few. 

15  They  questioned  the  reality  of  the  divine  love  chiefly  because  the 
promises  of  the  earlier  prophets  had  remained  unfulfilled. 

16  1.  2-5. 

17  1.  6-14. 

18  2.  1-9. 

19  2.  10-16. 


594 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


demned  in  the  rest  of  the  book:  (i)  The  suffering  of 
the  pious  and  prosperity  of  the  wicked  have  raised  the 
question,  Where  is  the  God  of  justice?  To  which  Yah- 
weh  replies  that  he  is  about  to  manifest  himself  in  a 
purifying  judgment.20  (2)  Since  the  skeptics  doubted 
the  interest  of  Yahweh,  they  saw  no  reason  why  they 
should  continue  to  bring  sacrifices  to  him.  To  which 
Yahweh  replies:  Let  the  people  be  honest  in  the  pay¬ 
ment  of  their  tithes  and  offerings,  and  they  will  soon  dis¬ 
cover  that  Yahweh  still  lives  and  has  the  power  and  will¬ 
ingness  to  bless  them.21  (3)  Once  more  the  complaint 
is  made  that  the  wicked  prosper  while  they  that  fear 
Yahweh  are  oppressed.  To  which  reply  is  made  that  the 
unfairness  is  only  apparent  and  temporary;  in  the  end 
the  wicked  will  be  destroyed  root  and  branch,  while  the 
righteous  will  be  exalted  forever.22  The  book  closes 
with  an  exhortation  to  lay  to  heart  the  law  of  Moses  and 
a  promise  of  the  speedy  advent  of  Yahweh,  preceded  by 
his  messenger.23 

Title:  The  author  and  the  subject  of  the  prophecy  (1.  1). 

I.  Prologue:  Yahweh’s  Love  for  Israel  (i.  2-5) 

1.  The  divine  love  asserted  (1.  2). 

2.  The  divine  love  proved  (1.  3-5)* 

II.  Condemnation  of  Israel's  Faithlessness  (i.  6  to  2.  9). 

1.  Rebuke  of  faithless  priests  and  people  (1.  6-14). 

(1)  Worthlessness  of  the  people’s  sacrifices  (1.  6-8). 

(2)  Yahweh’s  displeasure  (1.  9,  10). 

(3)  Superiority  of  the  service  rendered  among  the  nations  (1. 

11-13). 

(4)  The  curse  of  Yahweh  (1.  14). 


»  3.  13  to  4.  3. 
2*  4.  4-6. 


20  2.  17  to  3.  5. 

21  3.  6-12. 


595 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


2.  Curse  pronounced  upon  the  faithless  priests  (2.  1-9). 

(1)  Immediate  reformation  the  only  way  of  escape  (2.  1-4). 

(2)  Covenant  with  Levi  and  the  ideal  priest  (2.  5-7). 

(3)  The  apostate  priests  and  their  disgrace  (2.  8,  9). 

III.  Condemnation  of  Mixed  Marriages  and  Divorce  (2.  10-16). 

1.  Disregard  of  the  covenant  obligations  (2.  10). 

2.  Illegitimate  marriage  alliances  (2.  11,  12). 

3.  Heartless  divorces  (2.  13-15). 

4.  Exhortation  to  desist  from  the  evil  practices  (2.  16). 

IV.  Condemnation  of  Religious-  Indifference  and  Skepticism 

(2.  17  to  4.  3). 

1.  Yahweh’s  approach  in  judgment  (2.  17  to  3.  5). 

(1)  “Where  is  the  God  of  justice?”  (2.  17). 

(2)  Yahweh’s  appearance  as  a  refining  fire  (3.  1,  2). 

(3)  Purification  of  priests  and  people  (3.  3-5). 

2.  Wrongful  withholding  of  tithes  and  offerings  (3.  6-12). 

(1)  Yahweh’s  immutability;  the  people’s  fickleness  (3.  6). 

(2)  Exhortation  to  honesty  in  the  payment  of  religious  dues 

(3.  7,  8). 

(3)  Reward  of  honesty  in  the  payment  of  religious  dues  (3.  9- 

12). 

3.  New  defense  of  Yahweh’s  justice  (3.  13  to  4,  3). 

(1)  Complaint:  the  wicked  prosper,  the  righteous  suffer  (3. 

13-15). 

(2)  Separation  of  the  pious  from  the  wicked  (3.  16-18). 

(3)  Utter  destruction  of  the  wicked  (4.  1). 

(4)  Exaltation  and  glorification  of  the  righteous  (4.  2,  3). 

V.  Closing  Admonitions  (4.  4-6). 

1.  Exhortation  to  faithful  observance  of  the  law  (4.  4). 

2.  Elijah  the  messenger  and  his  work  of  preparation  (4.  5,  6). 

Date.  It  is  universally  admitted  that  the  internal  evi¬ 
dence  points  conclusively  to  the  postexilic  period,  when 
the  Jews  were  under  a  governor,24  and  the  Edomites  had 


24 1.  8. 


596 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


been  driven  from  their  old  home,  25  as  the  time  when  the 
prophecies  of  Malachi  were  delivered.  Furthermore,  all 
are  agreed  in  fixing  the  date  of  Malachi  later  than  the 
days  of  Haggai  and  Zechariah;  for  when  he  spoke  the 
Temple  was  in  existence  and  the  sacrificial  system  in 
full  swing;  moreover,  enough  time  had  elapsed  for  the 
enthusiasm  aroused  by  the  two  prophets  named  to  die 
down  and  the  Temple  worship  to  become  corrupted.26 
On  the  other  hand,  a  comparison  with  the  books  of  Ezra 
and  Nehemiah  shows  that  the  sins  condemned  by  Malachi 
and  the  reforms  attempted  by  him  are  essentially  the  sins 
condemned  and  reforms  urged  by  them.  This  corre¬ 
spondence  has  led  practically  all  scholars  to  bring  the 
preaching  of  Malachi  into  close  connection  with  the 
efforts  of  these  two  reformers.27  *But  at  this  point  a 
difference  of  opinion  arises,  some  placing  the  activity  of 
Malachi  before  the  coming  of  Ezra  in  458  b.  c.,  or  at 
least  before  the  first  visit  of  Nehemiah,  about  445 ;  28 
while  others  place  it  near  the  second  visit  of  Nehemiah, 
about  432,  either  before  or  immediately  after. 

In  favor  of  the  later  date  the  following  considerations 
are  urged : 

1.  The  close  agreement  between  Malachi  and  Nehe¬ 
miah.29  The  latter  sought  to  correct  the  following 

25  1.  2-5.  In  all  probability  Malachi  has  in  mind  the  expulsion  of  the 
Edomites  by  the  Nabataean  Arabs,  which  began  in  the  sixth  century  and 
reached  its  culmination  during  the  early  part  of  the  fifth. 

26  1.  6ff.;  2.  iff.;  3.  1,  10. 

27  The  only  important  exceptions  are  H.  Winckler,  Altorientalische 
Forschungen,  II,  pp.  531-539;  and  H.  Spoer,  Jewish  Quarterly  Review , 
XX,  pp.  167-186;  both  of  whom  favor  a  Maccabean  date;  but  their 
arguments  have  found  no  favor  with  other  scholars. 

28  Neh.  1.  1;  2.  1. 

29  Compare  Neh.  13.  23ff.  (Ezra  9.  iff.;  10.  iff.)  with  Mai.  2.  10-16; 
Neh.  13. 10-12, 31,  with  Mai.  1. 7ff.  and  3.  8-10;  Neh.  13.29  with  Mai.  2.8. 

597 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


abuses:  (i)  the  irreverent  behavior  of  the  high  priest; 
(2)  the  neglect  of  the  Temple  service;  (3)  the  nonpay¬ 
ment  of  tithes;  (4)  the  desecration  of  the  Sabbath;  (5) 
marriage  alliances  with  foreign  women.  Malachi  aimed 
to  abolish  similar  forms  of  wrongdoing;  the  only  differ¬ 
ence  being,  Nehemiah  does  not  mention  divorce,  and 
Malachi  is  silent  concerning  Sabbath  desecration. 

2.  The  appeal  for  a  more  loyal  observance  of  the  law 
of  Moses30  presupposes  the  efforts  of  Ezra-Nehemiah 
to  establish  the  authority  of  the  law.31 

3.  The  condemnation  of  sacrifices32  and  of  dishonesty 
in  the  bringing  of  tithes  and  offerings33  presupposes  that 
the  people  were  expected  to  provide  for  the  sanctuary 
and  the  priests;  but  in  the  days  of  Ezra,  or,  at  any  rate, 
immediately  after  the  latter’s  arrival,  the  government 
met  the  expense  of  the  Temple  service,34  and  similar 
provision  was  made  by  Darius.35  On  the  other  hand,  in 
the  days  of  Nehemiah  provision  was  made  for  the  sup¬ 
port  of  the  Temple  service  by  the  people,36  which  is  in 
agreement  with  conditions  presupposed  in  Malachi.37 

4.  While  1.  8  does  not  entirely  exclude  the  possibility 
of  Nehemiah  being  governor,  it  is  more  natural  to  see  in 
the  verse  a  reference  to  a  foreign  governor,  one  who  was 
not  averse  to  accepting  gifts  from  the  people.38  Since, 
now,  the  argument  of  some  scholars  continues,  several 

30  4-  4- 

81  Compare  Neh.,  chapters  8  to  10. 

88  1.  7ff. 

83  3.  6ff. 

84  Ezra  7.  15-24. 

36  Ezra  6.  9,  10. 

86  Neh.  10.  33ff. 

87  3.  6ff.  The  neglect  of  the  voluntary  contributions  makes  it  prob¬ 
able  that  some  time  had  elapsed  since  the  obligation  was  assumed. 

88  Compare  Neh.  5.  14ft. 


598 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


facts  presented  in  the  book  exclude  a  date  preceding  the 
coming  of  Ezra  and  others  a  date  immediately  after  his 
arrival,  the  most  probable  occasion  may  be  found  between 
Nehemiah’s  first  and  second  visit  to  Jerusalem. 

5.  To  the  same  period  points  the  attitude  of  the  proph¬ 
et  toward  mixed  marriages.39  If  Ezra's  reform  was  as 
sweeping  as  is  indicated  in  Ezra  10.  16,  17,  some  time 
must  have  elapsed  before  the  same  abuses  broke  out 
afresh.  No  attempt  was  made  by  Nehemiah  to  abolish 
these  marriages  until  his  second  visit,  which  makes  it 
probable  that  the  abuses  revived  during  his  brief  absence. 
Malachi  uttered  his  denunciations  against  the  new  out¬ 
break,  either  while  Nehemiah  was  still  away  or  soon 
after  his  return. 

6.  The  fact  that  Nehemiah  found  the  abuses  con¬ 
demned  by  Malachi  in  full  swing  makes  it  improbable 
that  the  latter  had  delivered  his  messages  a  number  of 
years  earlier,  for  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  his  earnest 
pleas  were  all  in  vain. 

The  above  arguments  are  all  based  on  the  assumption 
that  Ezra  was  the  forerunner  of  Nehemiah,  that  the 
former  came  to  Jerusalem  in  458,  the  latter  in  445/444 
b.  c.  In  recent  years  the  priority  of  Ezra  has  been  ques¬ 
tioned;  it  has  been  claimed  that  Nehemiah  preceded  Ezra, 
and  that  the  latter  came  to  Jerusalem  either  in  connec¬ 
tion  with  Nehemiah's  second  visit  or  in  the  fourth  cen¬ 
tury;  while  some  scholars  have  gone  so  far  as  to  deny 
the  historicity  of  Ezra  and  to  make  him  simply  a  per¬ 
sonification  of  the  spirit  of  later  Judaism.40  Those 
favoring  the  later  date  for  Malachi  may  easily  adjust 

89  2. 11. 

40  For  a  more  detailed  discussion  of  this  subject  see  F.  C.  Eiselen, 
The  Psalms  and  Other  Sacred  Writings,  pp.  308-312. 

599 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

their  arguments  to  this  view  by  making  the  comparison 
with  the  period  preceding  the  first  visit  of  Nehemiah 
rather  than  with  the  time  prior  to  458  b.  c.  Bearing  in 
mind  this  possible  modification,  wherever  it  may  be  nec¬ 
essary,  are  the  arguments  in  favor  of  the  later  date  in  any 
sense  conclusive?  (1)  Do  the  similarities  between 
Malachi  and  Nehemiah  necessarily  point  to  the  later 
date?  Neh.  10.  30  undoubtedly  implies  that  during  the 
first  year  of  Nehemiah’ s  administration  mixed  marriages 
were  in  existence,  just  as  Ezra  9.  2  implies  that  Ezra, 
on  his  arrival,  found  the  same  practice  in  vogue. 
Divorce  is  not  mentioned  by  Nehemiah;  which  may  mean 
that  it  was  not  a  serious  evil  in  his  day;  on  the  other 
hand,  Malachi  connects  the  divorce  evil  with  the  marry¬ 
ing  of  foreign  women.  Now,  such  a  connection  would 
be  quite  explicable  at  a  time  when  these  mixed  marriages 
were  still  a  novelty;  for  then  many  may  have  been 
tempted  to  put  away  their  wives  in  order  to  be  in  fashion. 
Consequently,  the  similarities  and  differences  on  this 
point  favor  a  date  earlier  than  445/444  b.  c.  rather  than 
a  date  as  late  as  432  b.  c.  The  other  abuses  condemned 
by  Malachi,  all  of  which  have  to  do  with  the  Temple 
service  and  the  priesthood,  were  practiced  during  the  first 
administration  of  Nehemiah,  and  may  have  existed  in 
the  postexilic  community  many  years  prior  to  445  b.  c. 
In  other  words,  the  facts  upon  which  the  first  argu¬ 
ment  relies  are  as  easily,  if  not  more  easily,  explained 
on  the  assumption  of  the  earlier  date.  (2)  No  one  can 
doubt  that  the  Jews  possessed  a  code,  or  codes,  of  law 
prior  to  the  public  reading  of  the  law  in  445/444  b.  c.41 
Why  may  not  a  religious  zealot  like  Malachi  have  urged 

41  See  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the  Pentateuch ,  Chapters  XII  and 
XVII. 


600 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


the  observance  of  the  law  even  before  Ezra-Nehemiah?42 
(3)  There  is  no  indication  anywhere  that  between  518 
and  the  coming  of  Ezra — whether  he  came  in  458  or  in 
432  or  in  397 — the  expense  of  the  Temple  service  was 
borne  by  the  government.  (4)  Since  the  other  points  are 
easily  explained  on  the  assumption  of  the  earlier  date, 
why  not  interpret  1.  8  as  a  reference  to  the  Persian 
governor,  or  governors,  ruling  over  the  postexilic  com¬ 
munity  before  458  or  445  b.  c.  ?  Why  assume  that  a 
new  governor  was  appointed  during  Nehemiah’s  absence 
rather  than  that  he  remained  in  control,  carrying  on  the 
administration  through  deputies?  (5)  The  fifth  argu¬ 
ment  is  covered  by  the  remarks  on  the  first.  (6)  If 
Malachi  preached  a  short  time  before  444,  and  thus  pre¬ 
pared  the  way  for  the  reforms  undertaken  in  that  year, 
his  efforts  cannot  be  considered  to  have  proved  a  failure. 

To  the  present  writer  it  seems  that  the  internal  evi¬ 
dence,  as  outlined  by  those  who  favor  the  later  date, 
instead  of  proving  their  claims,  practically  excludes  a 
date  later  than  the  reforms  of  445/444  b.  c.  This  con¬ 
clusion  finds  further  support  in  the  hints  scattered 
throughout  the  book  as  to  the  code  of  laws  that  was  in 
force  in  the  days  of  Malachi.  On  the  whole,  Malachi’s 
exhortations  are  based  on  the  Deuteronomic  Code  rather 
than  upon  the  Priestly  Code,  which  assumed  supreme 
authority  following  the  reform  of  445/444.43  The  one 

42  The  argument  loses  all  its  significance  if  it  can  be  shown,  as  some 
scholars  claim  it  can  be  shown,  that  the  epilogue  is  a  later  addition 
(see  below,  p.  612). 

43  For  instance,  following  Deuteronomy,  Malachi  makes  no  distinction 
between  priests  and  Levites;  in  2.  4-8  the  terms  “priest”  and  “Levi”  are 
used  interchangeably,  and,  according  to  3.  3,  all  the  sons  of  Levi  are 
qualified  to  offer  sacrifice.  The  Priestly  Code  permits  the  sacrificial 
animal  to  be  either  male  or  female,  while  Mai.  1 . 4  mentions  only  the  male. 

6oi 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


passage  which  is  sometimes  regarded  as  a  direct  reference 
to  the  Priestly  Code,44  may  be  explained  as  marking  a 
transition  from  the  requirements  of  Deuteronomy45  to 
those  of  the  Priestly  Code,  a  transition  which,  as  Welch 
says,  was  made  easier  by  the  fact  that  in  the  post- 
exilic  community,  centered  in  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  all 
the  Levites  were  attached  to  the  Temple.  Is  it  not  pos¬ 
sible,  therefore,  to  regard  3.  10  as  marking  a  stage  in 
the  history  of  tithing  midway  between  Deuteronomy  and 
the  Priestly  Code? 

The  Author  and  His  Times.  As  has  been  pointed  out, 
the  book  of  Malachi  is  to  be  accepted  as,  in  all  probability, 
an  anonymous  writing.  The  book  being  anonymous, 
nothing  can  be  known  regarding  the  author’s  life,  and 
regarding  his  spirit  and  character  only  such  things  as 
the  book  itself  may  reveal.46  From  the  character  of  his 
message  it  is  safe  to  infer  that  whoever  he  may  have 
been,  and  whatever  name  he  may  have  borne,  the  author 
is  worthy  to  be  called  a  “messenger  of  Yahweh.”  He 
is,  first  of  all,  a  patriotic  Jew  who,  as  Smith  says,  loves 
his  own  people  passionately,  and  hates  the  enemies  of 
Israel  fervently.  “He  can  think,”  says  the  same  author, 
“of  no  more  convincing  proof  of  Yahweh’s  love  for 
Israel  than  the  fact  that  Edom  has  recently  been  stricken 

44  3.  10;  compare  Num.  18.  2iff. 

46  Deut.  14.  22ff. 

46  Epiphanius  (see  above,  p.  505),  regarding  Malachi  as  the  name  of 
the  prophet,  states  that  he  came  from  the  town  of  Sopha  in  the  territory 
of  Zebulon;  other  traditions  make  him  a  Levite  and  a  member  of  the 
Great  Synagogue  and  relate  that  he  died  while  still  young.  As  we  have 
seen,  the  Targum  identifies  the  author  with  Ezra,  and  Jerome  states 
that  the  same  tradition  was  current  among  the  Jews  in  his  day.  Other 
traditions  credit  the  book  to  various  other  authors,  among  them 
Zerubbabel  and  Nehemiah.  None  of  these  traditions,  however,  are  of 
any  historical  value. 


602 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


down  in  accordance  with  Yahweh’s  will.”47  But  he 
is  more  than  a  patriot;  he  is  a  man  with  a  deep  con- 
sciousness  of  communion  with  God,  with  a  vigorous  per¬ 
sonality  and  strong  convictions,  and  with  keen  insight 
into  the  needs  and  shortcomings  of  his  contemporaries 
as  well  as  into  the  loving  purpose  of  Yahweh,  which,  he 
believes,  will  find  its  culmination  in  the  establishment 
of  the  rule  of  God  upon  earth,  ushered  in  by  the  terrible 
catastrophe  of  the  day  of  Yahweh.  Moreover,  follow¬ 
ing  in  the  footsteps  of  the  earlier  prophets,  the  unknown 
prophet  declares,  with  no  uncertain  sound,  the  will  of 
Yahweh  to  a  priesthood  and  a  people  that  has  forgotten 
the  covenant  of  old,  announcing  the  final  and  awful 
doom  of  the  faithless,  and  the  exaltation  and  glorifica¬ 
tion  of  the  faithful. 

A  study  of  the  historical  background  necessitates  a 
brief  survey  of  conditions  immediately  following  the 
completion  of  the  temple  in  516  b.  c.48 

(1)  Political  Conditions.  During  the  interval  be¬ 
tween  the  completion  of  the  Temple  and  the  preaching  of 
Malachi  the  struggle  between  Persia  and  Greece  and 
two  revolts  in  Egypt  took  place.  To  what  extent  the 
Jews  were  influenced  by  these  movements  we  do  not 
know.  Herodotus  declares  that  Syrians  from  Palestine, 
which  might  include  Jews,  served  in  the  army  of  Xerxes; 
and  it  is  not  at  all  improbable  that,  especially  in  the  wars 
with  Egypt,  they  were  called  upon  to  furnish  supplies  for 
the  Persian  armies.  On  the  whole,  however,  the  attitude 
of  the  Persian  court  seems  to  have  been  friendly  ;  so  that, 

47  Malachi,  p.  10. 

48  The  sources  of  information  are  chiefly  the  books  of  Haggai, 
Zechariah  1  to  8,  and  Ezra;  a  few  hints  may  be  gathered  from  extra- 
biblical  writings. 

603 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


with  possibly  two  exceptions,  the  Jews  bore  the  yoke 
patiently.49  In  458  Ezra  the  scribe  is  said  to  have  come 
from  Babylonia,  with  rich  presents  from  the  king  and 
his  countrymen  still  in  exile,  and  with  extraordinary 
powers  and  privileges.  After  a  brief  period  of  activity 
Ezra  disappeared  and  was  not  heard  of  again  until  after 
the  appointment  of  Nehemiah  as  civil  governor,  in  445 
b.  c.50  The  latter,  after  rebuilding  the  walls  of  the  city, 
undertook  various  social  and  religious  reforms,  in  which 
he  had  the  hearty  support  of  Ezra.  Some  time  later 
Nehemiah  was  recalled  to  the  Persian  court;  when  he 
returned  to  Jerusalem  in  432  b.  c.,  he  found  that  the 
reforms  of  his  former  administration  had  been  undone 
and  that  new  evils  were  threatening  the  welfare  of  the 
community;  immediately  he  set  about  to  rectify  all  these 
abuses. 

(2)  Moral  and  Religious  Conditions.  Haggai  and 
Zechariah  labored  earnestly  to  counteract  the  religious 
indifference  which  had  grown  up  in  the  postexilic  com¬ 
munity  during  the  years  immediately  following  the  return 
from  Babylon  in  537  b.  c.51  They  succeeded  in  arous¬ 
ing  sufficient  enthusiasm  for  the  completion  of  the 
Temple;  but  since  the  causes  of  the  indifference  were 
not  removed  the  enthusiasm  soon  cooled  and  the  former 

49  The  two  exceptions,  noted  in  Ezra  4.  6  and  4.  7ff.,  may,  perhaps,  be 
traced  to  a  revival  of  Jewish  Messianic  hopes.  Xerxes  came  to  the  throne 
in  485  b.  c.;  only  a  short  time  before  Egypt  had  revolted;  these  events 
the  Jews  may  have  connected  with  the  Messianic  utterances  of  Haggai 
and  Zechariah,  the  revolt  in  Egypt  with  the  shaking  of  the  nations 
promised  in  Hag.  2.  7.  The  second  manifestation  of  unrest  may  have 
been  connected  with  the  second  revolt  in  Egypt,  in  462  b.  c.,  and  may 
have  been  caused  by  similar  expectations. 

60  For  a  consideration  of  the  reliability  of  the  biblical  narrative  con¬ 
cerning  postexilic  times,  see  above,  p.  547,  and  reference  given  there. 

61  For  the  causes  of  this  indifference,  see  above,  pp.  546-549. 

604 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


indifference  with  its  accompanying  evils  reappeared. 
The  glorious  expectations  of  the  preexilic  prophets  re¬ 
mained  unrealized,  nor  were  the  new  promises  of  Haggai 
and  Zechariah  fulfilled :  the  nations  of  the  earth  were  not 
shaken,52  and  though  the  revolts  in  Egypt  seemed  to 
give  promise  of  such  shaking,  in  the  end  Persia  remained 
supreme,  while  Judah  continued  to  be  governed  by  for¬ 
eigners.  The  glory  of  Solomon’s  Temple  was  not 
equaled,  much  less  surpassed  ;53  taxes  had  to  be  paid  and 
provisions  furnished  for  the  Persian  armies,  which  kept 
the  people  poor.  Harvests  again  failed  as  a  result  of 
drought  and  plagues  of  locusts,54  which  was  in  direct 
contradiction  of  the  promise  of  Haggai.55 

As  a  result  of  these  various  disappointments  many 
in  the  nation  began  to  ask,  Where  are  the  promises  made 
to  the  fathers?  What  has  become  of  the  divine  justice?56 
What  of  the  divine  interest  in  us?  But  if  Yahweh  does 
not  care  for  us,  why  should  we  continue  to  waste  our 
offerings  and  sacrifices  in  his  service?57  These  disap¬ 
pointments  were  troublesome  enough,  but  those  in  Judah 
who  would  retain  faith  in  Yahweh  were  confronted  by 
another  perplexity.  According  to  popular  conception, 
piety  should  invariably  be  followed  by  prosperity,  im¬ 
piety  by  adversity;  but  during  the  first  half  of  the  fifth 
century  a  class  of  godless  nobles  had  grown  up  in  Jeru¬ 
salem,  who,  by  the  use  of  unscrupulous  means,  accumu¬ 
lated  wealth  and  lived  in  luxury  and  splendor,  while 
many  faithful  Yahweh  worshipers  were  compelled  to 


62  Hag.  2.  6,  7. 
65  Hag.  2.  9. 

64  Mai.  3.  9ff. 

65  Hag.  2.  19. 

66  Mai.  2.  1 7. 

67  3.  7-12. 


605 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


endure  poverty  and  hardship,  and  again  the  question 
arose,  Where  is  the  God  of  justice?  Thus,  if  the  peo¬ 
ple,  looking  within  or  without,  compared  present  condi¬ 
tions  with  the  promises  of  the  prophets,  they  met  on 
every  hand  grave  problems  and  perplexities.  Small 
wonder  that  many,  who  perhaps  never  had  attained  a 
strong  faith  in  Yahweh,  gave  way  to  a  temper  of  morose¬ 
ness,  skepticism,  or  even  positive  hostility  to  Yahweh.58 

The  moral  and  religious  conditions  reflected  in  Malachi 
and  in  the  portions  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  dealing  with 
the  same  period  were  the  outgrowth  of  this  indifference 
and  skepticism :  ( i )  The  first  glimpse  which  the  book 
gives  is  of  the  neglect  of  the  Temple  worship  by  both 
priests  and  people.59  The  priests  performed  their  offices 
perfunctorily;  anything,  they  thought,  was  good  enough 
for  Yahweh;  consequently,  they  offered  the  lame  and 
the  blind  upon  the  altar.60  The  maintenance  of  the 
Temple  service  was  considered  too  costly  and  irksome.61 
By  example  and  teaching  the  priests  caused  the  people  to 
stumble,62  until  all  alike  failed  to  render  to  Yahweh  the 
reverence  and  honor  due  to  his  name.63  (2)  A  second 
result  of  the  spirit  of  indifference  and  skepticism  was  the 
dying  down  of  the  zeal  for  the  maintenance  of  Israel’s 
distinct  and  separate  character  as  the  people  of  Yahweh. 
An  evidence  of  this  lack  of  zeal  was  seen  by  the  prophet 


68  3.  I3ff. 

69  1.  6  to  2.  9. 

60  1.  7,  8. 

61  1.  13- 

82  2.  8. 

63  1.  6.  A  similar  unwillingness  to  pay  the  proper  religious  dues  is 
reflected  in  3.  7-10,  where  the  prophet  condemns  the  people  for  de¬ 
frauding  Yahweh  by  the  withholding  of  tithes  and  offerings. 

606 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


in  the  prevalence  of  mixed  marriages,64  which  tended  to 
break  down  the  barriers  between  the  Jewish  community 
and  the  foreign  nations  and  thus  to  open  the  door  for  the  „ 
introduction  of  foreign  practices  and  beliefs,  which  in 
the  end  might  seriously  affect  the  purity  of  the  Yahweh 
religion.  In  some  instances  the  marriages  of  the  foreign 
woman  was  preceded  by  the  putting  away  of  a  Jewish 
wife.  Such  conduct,  the  prophet  believed,  would  have 
been  impossible  had  the  Jews  appreciated  the  significance 
of  their  unique  relation  to  Yahweh;  but  with  faith  in 
Yahweh  waning,  they  forgot  the  duties  they  owed  to 
one  another  as  members  of  the  same  covenant  nation65 
and  lightly  divorced  their  Jewish  wives  to  make  room  for 
others.  But  even  where  divorce  was  not  followed  by 
alliance  with  a  non-Jewish  woman,  the  divorce  itself  im¬ 
plied  a  disregard  of  mutual  obligations,  and  this  in  turn 
implied  a  waning  faith.  (3)  The  decline  in  religious 
fervor  was  followed  by  moral  decline.  Sorcery,  adultery, 

.  and  false  swearing  were  common ;  the  laborer,  the  father¬ 
less,  and  the  widow  were  oppressed.66 

It  must  not  be  thought,  however,  that  none  escaped 
the  skepticism  and  the  corruption  which  followed.  The 
very  appearance  of  Malachi  shows  that  there  were  in  the 
community  men  who  retained  their  faith;  indeed,  whose 
faith  was  made  only  stronger  by  the  trials  through  which 
they  passed.67  They  had  the  same  experiences  as  those 

M  2.  ii,  12;  compare  Ezra  9.  iff.;  10.  iff.;  Neh.  13.  23ft.  Undoubtedly 
the  words  of  Malachi  are  to  be  understood  literally,  not  figuratively, 
as  referring  to  apostasy  from  Yahweh  to  the  worship  of  other  gods.  The 
latter  interpretation  is  defended  at  length  by  C.  C.  Torrey,  Journal  of 
Biblical  Literature ,  1898,  pp.  iff.  and  by  H.  Winckler  in  the  discussion 
referred  to  in  note  27. 

66  2.  10. 

M  3.  5;  compare  Neh.  5.  67  3.  16. 

607 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


who  became  skeptics  and  evildoers,  but  “instead  of  lay¬ 
ing  the  blame  on  Yahweh  .  .  .  they  recognized  in 

Israel  itself  the  cause  of  the  disappointment.  It  was 
Israel’s  faithlessness  and  indifference  that  now  as  of  old 
hindered  the  accomplishment  of  the  prophetic  visions. 
The  one  hope  of  their  fulfillment  lay  in  a  more  strenuous 
and  loyal  observance  on  Israel’s  part  of  the  moral  condi¬ 
tions  of  Yahweh’s  covenant.”68  Out  of  this  group  of 
religious  zealots  arose  Malachi  determined  to  arouse,  if 
possible,  a  new  enthusiasm  and  a  new  faith  in  the  people 
who  were  rapidly  drifting  away  from  Yahweh  and  his 
ideals. 

Teaching.  The  book  of  Malachi  has  been  aptly  de¬ 
scribed  as  “Prophecy  within  the  Law.”  On  the  one  hand, 
it  reaffirms  the  truths  taught  by  the  great  preexilic 
prophets,  such  as  Yahweh’s  fatherly  and  loving  care  for 
Israel,  his  holiness  and  righteousness,  the  terrible  judg¬ 
ment  awaiting  the  wicked,  and  the  exaltation  of  the 
righteous.  On  the  other  hand,  unlike  the  earlier  pro¬ 
phetic  books,  it  places  great  stress  on  the  law  as  a  disci¬ 
plinary  rule  of  life,  bitterly  condemns  its  lax  perform¬ 
ance,  and  closes  with  the  exhortation,  “Remember  ye  the 
law  of  Moses,  my  servant.”69 

In  fairness  to  Malachi  the  second  characteristic  must 
not  be  overemphasized  to  the  exclusion  of  the  first. 
True,  he  shared  with  other  religious  leaders  of  the  post- 
exilic  period  a  high  regard  for  the  forms  and  institu¬ 
tions  of  religion70  and  of  the  law ;  but  this  new  emphasis 
is  due,  not  to  lower  religious  conceptions,  but  to  a 
different  interpretation  of  the  religious  needs  of  the  hour; 

68  R.  L.  Ottley,  The  Hebrew  Prophets ,  p.  85. 

69  4-  4. 

70  Compare  Haggai,  above,  pp.  551,  552,  and  Zechariah,  above,  p.  585. 

608 


THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


for  Malachi  agreed  with  Haggai,  Zechariah,  Nehemiah 
and  other  postexilic  leaders  that  the  people  of  their  day 
could  not  be  expected  to  worship  Yahweh  without  the 
use  of  forms  and  institutions.  Moreover,  he  saw,  as 
many  others  must  have  seen,  that  after  all  prophecy,  as 
represented  by  the  preexilic  prophets,  had  failed  to  pro¬ 
duce  the  transformation  for  which  they  had  toiled  so  per¬ 
sistently.  Generation  after  generation  they  had  sought 
to  build  up  a  pure  and  holy  nation,  but  after  the  lapse  of 
centuries  the  people  appeared  to  be  as  far  away  from  the 
ideal  as  ever.  Consequently,  the  question  must  have 
arisen  in  the  minds  of  many,  whether  the  prophetic 
method  was  the  one  best  adapted  to  the  needs  of 
the  time,  whether  the  people  could  be  trusted  to  apply 
the  principles  of  the  prophetic  religion  to  the  daily  life, 
or  whether  it  would  not  be  wiser  to  lay  down  specific 
rules  and  urge  the  people  to  observe  these,  and  thus  avoid 
the  lapses  of  the  past?  The  last  question  was  answered 
in  the  affirmative,  and  the  legalism  of  the  postexilic 
period  was  born.  However,  in  the  beginning  it  was  per¬ 
meated  by  a  spirit  of  intense  moral  earnestness;  the 
exaltation  of  the  letter  of  the  law  is  a  later  develop¬ 
ment.  Malachi  was  a  prophet  as  truly  as  were  Isaiah 
and  Jeremiah,  but,  unlike  these,  he  emphasized  the  em¬ 
bodiment  of  the  prophetic  spirit  and  the  prophetic  prin¬ 
ciples  in  external  law. 

Though  the  principal  points  in  Malachi’s  teaching  have 
been  touched  upon,  a  few  of  them  deserve  further  men¬ 
tion :  (i)  The  book  teaches  the  Fatherhood  of  Yahweh, 
not  in  a  universal  sense,  but  in  his  relation  to  the  Jewish 
community.  Throughout  its  entire  history  Yahweh  has 
manifested  a  fatherly  interest  in  Israel.71  This  fact 

71 1.  2-5. 

609 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


the  prophet  makes  the  basis  of  all  his  appeals :  Because 
Yahweh  is  the  loving  Father  of  the  Jews,  he  has  a  right 
to  claim  their  reverence  and  affection;72  because  as  a 
Father  he  loves  all  alike,  they  should  show  brotherly 
love  toward  one  another.73  But  his  love  can  go  out 
freely  only  toward  the  good  and  pious;  the  unrighteous, 
even  among  his  own  children,  must  bear  the  consequences 
of  their  wrongdoing.74  (2)  The  brotherhood  of  man  is 
taught,  again  not  in  its  universal  applications,  but  as 
applicable  within  the  Jewish  community.  The  individ¬ 
ual  Jews  are  related  as  brothers  and  sisters,  and  this  re¬ 
lationship  should  determine  their  treatment  of  one  an¬ 
other.75  (3)  Yahweh,  who  is  a  righteous  God,  demands 
of  his  worshipers  a  pure  and  righteous  service.  External 
forms  of  worship  are  an  abomination  to  him,  unless 
they  are  prompted  by  true  devotion  and  accompanied  by 
a  holy  and  consistent  life.76  He  would  rather  do  with¬ 
out  sacrifice  and  offerings  than  be  compelled  to  receive 
them  from  those  who  neglect  the  weightier  matters.77 
True,  he  desires  the  payment  of  tithes,  but  only  as  the 
practical  expression  of  a  loving  faith.78  Apparent  in¬ 
equalities  in  life  do  not  militate  against  the  divine  right¬ 
eousness,  for  in  due  time  Yahweh  will  reveal  himself  a 
righteous  Judge,  by  rewarding  all  according  to  their 
deeds.79  (4)  Mixed  marriages  and  divorce  receive  the 
severest  condemnation,80  because,  (a)  they  are  sins 
against  the  spirit  of  brotherhood;  ( b )  they  threaten  to 
corrupt  the  religion  of  Yahweh.  (5)  The  significance 


72  1.6. 

77  I. 

10. 

73  2.  10. 

78  3. 

^4 

00 

• 

74  2.  16;  3.  16  to  4.  3. 

79  3* 

16  to  4.  3. 

76  2.  10. 

80  2. 

I0-I6. 

76  1.  6  to  2.  9. 

6lO 

THE  BOOK  OF  THE  TWELVE 


of  i.  ii  is  overestimated  by  those  who  interpret  it  as 
teaching  that  the  worship  offered  by  foreign  nations  is 
in  reality  worship  of  Yahweh  in  various  forms;  never¬ 
theless,  the  passage  does  prove  that  its  author  did  not 
sympathize  with  the  narrow  exclusiveness  of  the  post- 
exilic  Judaism  but  recognized  the  acceptability  to  Yah¬ 
weh  of  sacrifices  and  offerings  presented  to  him  outside 
of  the  promised  land  and,  perhaps,  by  non-Jews.81  (6) 
The  Messianic  teaching  of  Malachi  is  simple.  The  estab¬ 
lishment  of  the  kingdom  of  God  will  be  preceded  by  the 
day  of  Yahweh,  a  day  of  sifting,  on  which  Yahweh 
will  separate  the  righteous  from  the  wicked,  and 
a  day  of  terror,  on  which  he  will  execute  judgment  upon 
the  ungodly.82  Following  this  divine  manifestation  the 
pious  will  enter  upon  a  life  of  permanent  prosperity  and 
felicity.  The  Messianic  king  is  not  mentioned;  Yahweh 
himself  will  interfere  on  behalf  of  his  people.  Malachi 
introduces  the  person  of  a  messenger,  Elijah  the  proph¬ 
et,83  who  will  be  sent  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  coming 


81  For  various  interpretations  of  the  verse  see  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The 
Minor  Prophets ,  pp.  711-714,  and  J.  M.  P.  Smith,  Malachi ,  pp.  31,  32. 

82  3-  1-5;  3-  16  to  4.  3. 

83  Concerning  this  promise  G.  A.  Smith  makes  the  following  suggestive 
remarks:  ‘ ‘Malachi  expects  this  prophecy...  not  in  the  continuance 
of  the  prophetic  succession  by  the  appearance  of  original  personalities, 
developing  further  the  great  principles  of  their  order,  but  in  the  return 
of  the  first  prophet  Elijah.  This  is  surely  the  confession  of  prophecy 
that  the  number  of  her  servants  is  exhausted  and  her  message  to  Israel 
fulfilled.  She  can  now  do  no  more  for  the  people  than  she  has  done.  But 
she  will  summon  up  her  old  energy  and  fire  in  the  return  of  her  most 
powerful  personality,  and  make  one  grand  effort  to  convert  the  nation 
before  the  Lord  come  and  strike  it  with  judgment.”  It  was  only  natural 
that  Elijah  should  be  singled  out  as  the  messenger  from  heaven,  because 
he  alone  of  all  the  prophets  did  not  die  a  natural  death,  but  ‘‘went  up  by 
a  whirlwind  into  heaven”  (2  Kings  2.  11). 

6l  I 


PROPHETIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


of  the  judge,  by  preaching  repentance  and  proclaiming 
the  speedy  approach  of  the  great  and  terrible  day  of 
Yahweh.84 

84  3.  1 ;  4.  5,  6.  The  last  three  verses  of  the  book  have  no  immediate 
connection  with  the  preceding  section;  they  must  be  understood, 
rather,  as  closing  admonitions,  belonging  to  the  entire  book,  added  by 
Malachi  himself  or,  more  probably,  by  a  later  writer  (compare  Hos. 
14.  9).  Recent  commentators  are  inclined  to  accept  the  latter  alter¬ 
native,  though  Nowack,  who  considers  verse  4  original,  admits  that  the 
question  can  never  be  settled  with  absolute  certainty.  Marti  advances 
the  following  reasons  in  favor  of  diversity  of  authorship:  (1)  The 
change  in  persons  addressed;  in  verse  3  the  pious  are  addressed,  in  verse 
4  the  Jews  in  general;  (2)  the  expansion  of  3.  1  in  verses  5,  6  is  not  alto¬ 
gether  in  accord  with  the  thought  of  the  former;  (3)  The  preceding 
prophecies  never  speak  of  the  “day  of  Yahweh”  or  the  “great  and 
dreadful  day  of  Yahweh”  (verse  5;  compare  verse  1;  3.  17;  4.  3);  (4) 
Malachi  speaks  only  of  “the  law”  (2.  8,  9);  these  verses  of  the  “law  of 
Moses”  (verse  4);  (5)  Malachi  frequently  uses  the  formula  “saith 
Yahweh  of  hosts,”  which  is  never  found  in  these  verses. 


1 


612 


INDEX— VOL.  I 


I.  Topical. 


Abiathar,  75 
Abimelech,  41,  48 
Alexander  the  Great,  166 
Amon,  298,  302 
Ammonites,  41,  53,  267,  268 
Apocalypse,  167 
Arabia,  160,  271,  272 
Archaeology,  102,  103 
Archives,  93 

Artaxerxes  Ochus,  166,  173 
Ashdod,  158 
Ashurbanapal,  159,  165 
Assyria,  143,  150,  158,  173-176, 
192-194 

Babylonia,  141-143,  158,  218,  219, 
263-265 
Barak,  41 

Baruch,  283,  291,  296,  297 

Canaanites,  41 
Canon,  9,  113-115 
Carchemish,  192 
Chaldeans,  164,  301 
Chronology,  44-49,  102,  103 
Church,  207 

Conquest,  of  Palestine,  23,  26, 

27.  30-34,  38,  39 
Covenant,  new,  312 
Criticism,  1 19-123,  209-218; 

canons  of,  124-127,  210-218 
Cyrus,  159,  219,  236 

D,  27,  28,  55 

Damascus,  149,  150,  192,  270,  271 
Dan,  20,  24,  42,  56,  57 
Deborah,  41 ;  song  of,  53,  60 
Dedanites,  160 

Deuteronomy,  25,  76,  154,  155 
Deuteronomic  History,  28,  47,  48, 

52,  53,  56,  81,  82,  99,  100 

613 


Duplicate  narratives,  in  Joshua, 
26;  in  Samuel,  69-71 

E,  27,  28,  54,  55,  58,  78-81 
Edom,  159,  180,  181,  268-270 
Egypt,  150-158,  173—176*  193- 
195,  265,  266 
Ehud,  40 

Elam,  158,  272,  273 
Elephantine  Papyri,  154 
Eliakim,  162,  163 
Elijah,  96,  97 
Elisha,  97 
Esarhaddon,  165 
Exile,  210,  21 1,  284,  285 
Exodus,  34,  49 
Externalism,  243,  247,  314 

Faith,  204 

False  Prophets,  282 

Folk  tales,  72,  73,  80 

Gedaliah,  293,  300 
Gezer,  24 

Gibeah,  outrage  at,  42,  43,  57,  58 

Gibeon,  77 

Gideon,  41 

Glory,  237 

Goliath,  76 

Habiri,  33 
Hazor,  271,  272 

Hezekiah,  182-188,  196,  197; 

reform  of,  198,  302 
Historical  background,  124,  212 
Historical  books,  15 
History  writing,  74,  78,  79 
Holiness,  200,  202,  216,  237 
Human  sacrifice,  62 


Inviolability  of  Zion,  206 


INDEX 


•  <r 

Isaiah,  198,  199;  call,  190,  19 1, 
200,  201;  date,  199,  200;  death, 
199;  greatness,  113,  114;  home, 
199;  manifold  activities,  201- 
205;  name,  1 13 ;  sons,  199; 
times,  195-198;  wife,  199 
Isaiah,  book  of,  113;  contents, 
1 1 5- 1 19;  chronological  arrange¬ 
ment  by  Kennett,  123;  gen¬ 
uine  Isaianic  prophecies  188- 
195;  history  of  criticism,  119- 
127;  literary  history,  247-250; 
place  in  canon,  113-115. 

Israel,  149, 150, 180, 18 1 ;  chronicles 
of  the  kings  of,  94-96 

J,  27,  28,  54,  55,  58,  78-80 
Jebusites,  23 
Jehoahaz,  299 
Jehoiachin,  299,  300 
Jehoiakim,  299 
Jephthah,  41,  53 

Jeremiah,  251;  biography,  283, 
291,  297;  call,  306,  307;  courage, 
307,  308;  life,  305,  306;  methods 
of  work,  308,  309;  name,  251; 
teaching ,  309-3 1 4 ;  tempera¬ 

ment  307,  308;  in  Egypt,  293. 
Jeremiah,  book  of,  251;  contents, 
251-255;  first  and  second  edi¬ 
tions,  261-263;  Hebrew  and 
Greek  texts,  255-260;  literary 
history,  295-298 
Jeroboam  II,  146 
Jerusalem,  fall,  300;  new,  312 
Jewish  tradition,  21,  22,  114 
Joshua,  17,  25 

Joshua,  book  of,  17;  authorship, 
21,  22;  compilation,  25,  26; 
contents,  18-21;  date,  28;  du¬ 
plicate  narratives,  26;  purpose, 
29,  30;  sources,  27,  28  value,  29- 
31;  and  the  Pentateuch,  26-29 
Josiah,  298,  299;  reform  of,  303, 
304. 

Judah,  149,  150;  chronicles  of  the 
kings  of,  94-96. 

Judges,  37,  39,  49;  major,  39,  50, 
52;  minor,  39,  47,  52 
Judges,  book  of,  38;  chronology, 
44-49;  compilation,  50,  53,  54; 
contents,  38,  39;  date,  56,  59; 
framework,  45,  49,  50,  60;  pur¬ 
pose,  50,  51,60;  sources,  54-58; 


and  Joshua,  39,  59;  and  Samuel, 
39,  40 

ICedar,  271,  272 

Kings,  book  of,  87;  compilation, 
90-92,  98,  99;  contents,  87-90; 
date,  98-100;  framework,  91,  92 ; 
purpose,  88,  100,  101 ;  sources, 
92-98;  value,  101,  102 

Laish,  20,  23,  24,  42 
Law,  9 

Maccabean  period,  152,  157,  172, 
180,  182 

Manasseh,  298,  302 
Media,  158 

Merodach-baladan,  158,  182,  196 
Messianic  king,  206,  207,  312 
Messianic  prophecy,  127,  120,  131, 
135,  137-139,  140,  156,  157, 
175,  205,  206,  217,  246,  31 1- 
313 

Micah,  sanctuary  of,  42,  57 
Midianites,  41 

Moabites,  40,  144-149,  192,  267 
Monarchy,  70,  76,  77 
Monotheism,  209,  235 
Morals,  35,  6l,  62,  85,  86,  197, 

304,  305 

Nabataeans,  148,  182 
Nabopolassar,  302 
Nebuchadrezzar,  166,  218,  302 
Nineveh,  fall  of,  301 

Omnipotence,  235,  236 
Omri,  101,  146 
Oppression,  periods  of,  47 
Othniel,  40 

P,  27,  28 

Palestine,  characteristics,  19; 

settlement,  18-20,  31-34 
Peace,  206 

Philistines,  42,  143,  192,  266,  267 
Poetic  meter,  127 
Potter,  lessons  from,  278,  279 
Prophecy,  oral  and  written,  108- 
m ;  objective,  124;  purpose, 
126 


INDEX 


Prophets  9,  85,  86,  107;  major 
and  minor,  107,  113,  114;  men 
of  speech  and  action,  108;  mes¬ 
sengers  of  doom,  137,  138;  as 
poets,  no;  narratives  concern¬ 
ing,  96,  97;  and  the  monarchy, 
76,  77 

Prophetic  books,  109-111;  his¬ 
tories,  15;  poetry,  108-110 
Psammetichus,  151,  152 
Ptolemies,  157 

Rahab,  22 

Religion,  35,  61,  62,  86,  197,  198, 
203,  303,  304,  313,  314 
Remnant,  207,  31 1 
Righteousness,  236,  237 

Samaria,  173,  196 
Samson,  42 
Samuel,  63 

Samuel,  book  of,  63;  appendix, 
83;  authorship,  64;  contents, 
64-68;  date,  72-77;  duplicate 
narratives,  69-71;  literary  his¬ 
tory,  80-83;  postexilic  revision, 
82,  83;  sources,  69-77;  value, 
83-86;  and  Judges,  39,  40,  65; 
and  Kings,  65 
Sargon,  158,  196 
Saul,  70,  77 


Scythians,  219,  301 
Seers,  74,  85,  86 
Seleucidae,  157 

Sennacherib,  158,  165,  179,  182- 
188,  195-197 
Septuagint,  256-260 
Servant  of  Yahweh,  217,  221, 
222,  229,  230,  233,  234;  pas¬ 
sages,  224-232 
Shalmaneser  V,  165,  195 
Shamgar,  42 
Shebna,  161-163,  *93 
Sidon,  163-167 
Solomon,  94 

Temple,  44,  48 ;  records,  97,  98 

Tiglath-pileser  IV,  196 

Tribes,  18-20;  boundaries,  18,  19; 

stories,  72,  73,  80 
Tyre,  163-167 

Universalism,  217,  237,  314 

Writings,  9 

Yahweh,  34,  35,  61,  86,  200,  216, 
235,  236,  237 

Yashar,  book  of,  24,  68,  98 

Zedekiah,  300 
Zion,  205,  206 


II.  Textual 

Only  passages  to  which  special  consideration  is  given  in  the  dis¬ 
cussion  are  included. 


Joshua 


I — 12 .... 

3-  15,  16.  . 

4.  IO-I8.  . 

5.  I . 

. 18 

. 35 

. 35 

. 21,  22 

5-  6 . 

. 21,  22 

6.  21-27.  . 

. 35 

6.  25 . 

. 21,  22 

6.  26 . 

. 35 

8.  3 . 

8.  9 . 

. 26 

9-  27 . 

. 25 

II.  21,  22.  . 

. 26 

13— 22 - 

. 18-20 

14.  6-12  .  .  . 

.  -23 

15.  13-15-  • 

......  .26 

15-63 . 

615 

INDEX 


Joshua 

16.  io . 

18.  28 . 

19-  47 . 

20 . 

23-  8 . 

24.  14,  15  . . . 
24.  26,  27  . . . 

Judges 

1.  1—2.  5-  • 

1.  1 . 

2.  6—3.  6.  . 

2.  6 — 16.  31 

2.  n-19.  . . 

3.  7-1 1 - 

3.  12-30.  .  . 

3-  31 . 

4-  1—5-  3i- 

5 . 

6.  1—9.  57. 

8.  33  9-  57 

10.  1-5 . 

10.  2 . 

10.  3 . 

10.  6 — 12.  7. 

11.  12-28 .  .  . 

12.  8-15. .  .  . 

12.  9 . 

12.  II . 

12.  14 . 

13.  1— 16.  31 

15-  20 . 

16 . 

17 — 21 . 

17,  18 . 

19 — 21 . 

1  Samuel 

1—7 . 

1 — 12 . 

1.  20 . 

6.  15 . 

8 — 12 . 

8 — 14 . 

10.  10-12 .  .  . 
10.  20,  21  .  .  . 

11.  I2-I4.  .  . 
13.  8-15.  .  .. 

14.  47-51-  -  • 

15—31 . 

15 . 

15.  10-26.  .  . 

16.  1-13 - 

16.  14-23.  .  . 


24 

26 

24,  25 

35 

26 

26 

17,  35 


38,  39,  59 

38,66 

5i 

38,  39,  50,  56 
52,  56 
40,  52 
40,  53 
42,  47 

40,  41,  53,  58 
3i 

41,  53 
55 

55 

47 

47 

41 
53 

55 
47 
47 
47 

42 

56 
56 

38,  42,  56 

42,  56,  57 

42,  43,  56,  57,  58 


64 

39,  40,  54 

63 

72 

69-72 

64 
20 
70 

70 

7 1 
82 
64 

82,  86 
7 1 
82 
7i 
616 


INDEX 


1  Samuel 

17.  12-58.  . 

17-  23-54-  • 

19.  18-24.  . 
21.  11-16.  . 
23.  19-28 .  . 

24 . 

26 . 

27.  1 — 28.  2 
27.  6 . 

30.  25 . 

31.  4 . 

2  Samuel 

i~7 . 

1.  10 . 

1.  18 . 

7  . 

8  . 

9 — 20 . 

14-  27 . 

18.  18 . 

21 — 24 . 

21 . 

21.  19 . 

23.  3-39 . .  . 

1  Kings 

1,  2 . 

6.  1 . 

9.  16 . 

13 . 

2  Kings 

18.  4 . 

18.  14-16.  . 

22,  23 . 

25.  21 . 

1  Chronicles 
20.  5 . 

Isaiah 

1 —  12 . 

1 . 

1.  1 . 

1.  2-26.  .  . 
1.  2-17 

1.  16,  17  .  . 
1.  18-20.  .  . 
1.  21-26.  .  . 

1.  27-31.  .  . 

2— 4 . 

2.  2-4 . 

2.  6 — 4.  I .  . 


7 1 

71,  76 

70 

71 
71 
7i 
7i 
7i 
68 
68 
71 


65 

71 

68 

76,  78 
65,  74,  82 
65,  74 

7i 

7i 

65,  83 

77,  86 
7i,  76 
74 


65,  74 
44,  45,  47 

24 

97 


198 

185 

298,  299 

66 


71,  76 


115,  127-141,  249 

127,  128 
119,  128 

128,  129 
189,  190 
204 

189,  190 
189,  190 
128,  129 
129-135 
129-132,  205 
190 

617 


INDEX 


Isaiah 


4.  2-6 . 

. 132-135 

5-  i-7 . 

. 190,  204 

5-  8-24 . 

. 190,  191 

5-  25-30 . 

. 191 

6 . 

. 200,  201 

7.  1—8.  15 . 

. 204 

7-  i-9 . 

. 196 

7-3 . 

. 199 

7-9 . 

. 205 

8.  3 . 

. 199 

9-  2-7 . 

. 135-139.  206,  207 

9.  8—10.  4 . 

. 191 

10.  5-24 . 

. 192 

10.  21 . 

■  -  . . 205 

11.  1-9 . 

. 139,  206,  207 

11.  10-16 . 

. 139,  140 

12 . 

. 140,  I4I 

13—23 . 

. 1 15,  141-167,  249 

13.  1— 14.  23 . 

. I4I-I43 

14.  24-27 . 

. 143,  192 

14.  28-32 . 

. 143,  192 

15.  1 — 16.  14 . 

. 144-149,  192 

16.  13,  14 . 

. 144,  145,  192 

17.  1-11 . 

. 149,  192 

17.  12-14 . 

. 149,  193 

18.  1-6 . 

. 150,  193 

19 . 

. 150-158 

19-  1-15 . 

. I5°-I53,  194 

19-  16,  17 . 

. 153 

19.  18 . 

. 153,  154 

19.  19-22 . 

. 154-156 

19.  23-25 . 

. 156-158 

20 . 

. 158,  193 

21.  1-10 . 

. 158,  159 

21.  11,  12 . 

. 159,  160 

21.  13-17 . 

. 160,  l6l 

22.  1-14 . 

. I6l,  193 

22.  15-25 . 

. 161-163 

23 . 

. 163-167,  I93 

24—27 . 

. 1 15,  167-173,  249 

28—33 . 

. 1 15,  173-180,  249 

28—31 . 

. 175,  176,  193 

28.  16 . 

. 205 

30.  15 . 

. 205 

32 . 

. 177-179,  194 

32.  1-8 . 

. 178 

32.  9-i4 . 

. 178 

32.  15-20 . 

. 178 

33 . 

. 179,  180,  I94 

34,  35 . 

. 1 15,  180-182,  249 

36—39 . 

. 1 15,  182-188 

38.  9-20 . 

. 188 

40 — 66 . 

618 


INDEX 


Isaiah 

40 — 48 . 

42.  1-4 . 

49-55 . 

49-  1-6 . 

50.  4-9 . 

52.  13—53.  12 

56—66 . 

56.  1-8 . 

56.  9—57-  21. 
58.  1-14 . 

60 — 62 . . 

63.  1-6 . 

63.  7 — 64.12.  . 
65,  66 . 

Jeremiah 

1.  1-10 . 

2 —  6 . 

3-  6-18 . 

7-  I-I5 . 

9.  23,  24 - 

9.  25,  26 - 

10.  1-16 . 

12.  7-17 . 

13 . 

14.  1— 15.  9.  . 

15.  10-21 .  .  .  . 

16.  17 . 

18.  1-17 . 

18.  18-23.  .  .  . 

19.  1 — ■ 20 .  6.  . 

20.  7-18 . 

21.  1-10 . 

21.  11 — 22.  19 

22.  20-23.  •  •  • 

22.  24 — 23.  8. 

23.  9-40 . 

24 . 

25.  I-I4 . 

25.  15-26 - 

25.  15-38 - 

26 . 

27 — 29 . 

30,  31 . 

32 . 

33-  I-I3 . 

33.  14-26 - 

34  . 

35  . 

36.  . . 

37-  3-io . 

37.  1 1-2 1 - 

38— 45 . 


208-221,  248 
224-232 
221-238,  248 
224-232 
224-232 

221,  222,  224-234 

238-247,  249 

244 

244 

244 

244 

244 

244,  245 

245 


305,  307 
262 


274,  275 
206 


275 

275 

275,  276 

276,  277 
277 

277 

277,  278 

278 

278 

279 
279 
279 

279,  280 

280,  281 
280,  281 
280,  281 
282 
282 

259,  282,  283 


259 

282,  283 
283 

284,  285 
285-288 
288 

289,  290 
289,  290 

290 

291 

261-263,  291,  295 

280,  291 

291 

291-294 


619 


INDEX 


Jeremiah 

46—51 . 263-274 

46.  1-28 . 265,  266 

47.  1-7 . 266,267 

48.  1-47 . 267 

49.  1-6 . 268 

49.  7-22 . 268-270 

49.  23-27 . 270,  271 

49.  28-33 . 271 

49-  34-39 . 272 

50.  1—51.58 . 263-265 

51-  1 . 76 

52 . 294 

Ezekiel 

44-7-9 . 25 

Obadiah 

1 — 6 . 268-270 

Micah 

3.  1 2 . 206 


620 


INDEX— VOL.  II 


I.  Topical 


Acrostic  poetry,  494-498 
Allegory,  458,  459 
Amon,  537 

Amos,  404,  422-425;  activity,  425; 
date,  418,  419;  home,  422; 

name,  404;  occupation,  423; 
preparation,  424;  knowledge  of 
the  past,  427;  Amos  and  Yah- 
weh  religion,  426,  427. 

Amos,  book  of,  404-418;  arrange¬ 
ment,  404,  405;  contents,  405- 
407 ;  controverted  passages, 
407-418;  historical  background, 
419-422,  425,  426;  origin,  418; 
significance,  425,  426;  style,  423, 
teaching,  425-430 
Angelology,  584,  585 
Anonymous  prophecy,  581 
Archaeology,  450,  451,  465 
Ashurbanapal,  501 

Baal  worship,  533,  534 
Berechiah,  582 
Branch,  585,  586 
Brotherhood,  610 

Cambyses,  548 
Canons  of  criticism,  387 
Capernaum,  504 
Carchemish,  battle  of,  516,  520 
Chaldeans,  cruelty,  520,  521; 

woes  against,  515,  516 
Chronology,  325,  326 
Covenant,  552 
Cyrus,  548 

Daniel,  521 
Darius,  548 
David,  380 

Day  of  Yahweh,  395,  402,  403, 
540,  541 

621 


Egypt,  520 
Elijah,  61 1,  612 

Exclusiveness,  380,  403,  439,  448, 
449 

Exile,  337-341 ;  return  from,  546- 
548;  significance,  341 
Exiles,  condition  of,  339-341 
Extemalism,  349,  351,  352,  403, 
421,  422,  553 

Ezekiel,  319,  341-345;  call,  342, 
343;  methods  of  teaching  and 
activity,  344,  345;  name  319; 
period  of  activity,  343 ;  preacher 
and  writer,  329,  330;  signifi¬ 
cance,  346,  352;  Ezekiel  and 
Jeremiah,  341,  342 
Ezekiel,  book  of,  319-337;  canon- 
icity,  319,  320;  contents,  320- 
325;  editorial  activity,  332-334; 
integrity,  327;  literary  history, 
335-337;  origin,  325~337;  post- 
exilic,  327,  328;  teaching,  346- 
352 

Faith,  505,  524 

Fatherhood  of  God,  457,  609,  610 
Foreign  nations,  320,  321 
Freedom,  351 

Fulfillment  of  prophecy,  455,  456 

Habakkuk,  508,  521,  522;  date, 
5 19-521;  name,  508;  prayer, 
517,  5i8 

Habakkuk,  book  of,  508-518; 
contents,  508-510;  integrity, 
514-518;  interpretation,  510- 
514;  literary  excellence,  524; 
teaching,  523,  524 
Haggai,  541,  550,  551;  date,  546; 
name,  541,  542 

Haggai,  book  of,  542-546;  con- 


INDEX 


tents,  542,  543;  historical  back¬ 
ground,  546-550;  origin,  545, 
546;  teaching,  55i~554;  unity, 
543-545 

Holiness,  350,  351,  439,  505 
Hosea,  354,  370-377;  date,  365- 
368;  home,  370,  371;  marriage, 
373-377;  name,  354;  occupa¬ 
tion,  372 

Hosea,  book  of,  355-365;  con¬ 
tents,  355-357;  historical  back¬ 
ground,  368--370;  Judahistic  re¬ 
vision,  364,  365 ;  literary  history, 
364,  365;  origin,  357-365;  teach¬ 
ing,  377-38o;  title,  365-367 

Institutions  of  religion,  351,  352; 
see  also  under  Externalism, 
Sacrifice,  and  Temple 
Internal  evidence,  387 
Israel,  apostasy,  346;  chosen  peo¬ 
ple,  378,  429,  439 


Jeremiah,  338,  339 
Jeroboam  II,  420 
Jerusalem,  destruction  of,  337, 
338 

Jesus,  authority  of,  445-448 
Joel,  380;  date,  385-397;  home, 
381;  name,  380 

Joel,  book  of,  381-402;  contents, 
381-383;  date,  385-397;  his¬ 
torical  background,  387,  388, 
390-393 ;  interpretation,  397- 
402;  style,  396,  397;  teaching, 
402-404;  unity,  383-385 
Jonah,  439,  440;  date,  440;  name, 
439;  prayer,  468,  469 
Jonah,  book  of,  440-471;  con¬ 
tents,  440,  441;  date,  462-467; 
interpretation,  441-455;  liter¬ 
ary  form,  458-460;  sources  of 
material,  460-462;  teaching, 
455-457;  unity,  467-471 
Josiah,  533,  534 
Judgment,  553 


Law,  349,  600,  601,  609 
Literary  parallels,  388,  389,  395, 
396,  516 

Locusts,  398-400 
Love,  378,  457 


Malachi,  591;  date,  596-602; 
name,  591,  592 

Malachi,  book  of,  591-596;  ano¬ 
nymity,  591,  592,  602;  character 
of  author,  602,  603;  contents, 
592-596;  historical  background, 
603-608;  integrity,  612;  style, 
593;  teaching,  608-612;  Mala¬ 
chi  and  Deuteronomy,  601, 
602;  Malachi  and  Nehemiah, 
597-600 


Manasseh,  537 
Medes,  501 

Messianic  king,  348,  380,  585- 
588 

Messianic  prophecy,  347-349,  360, 
379t  380,  403,  414-418,  430, 

439,  481,  482,  491,  505,  506, 

54L  553.  585,  586,  589,  590,  61 1 
Micah,  471,  486-488;  date,  487, 

488;  home,  487;  influence,  487; 

name,  471;  Micah  and  Isaiah, 
491,  492 

Micah,  book  of,  471-486;  arrange¬ 
ment, .  472;  contents,  471-473; 
historical  background,  488,  490; 
integrity,  473-486;  teaching, 
490-492. 

Midrash,  459 

Minor  Prophets,  353,  354 

Miracles,  452-454 

Mixed  marriages,  599,  607,  610 

Mythology,  460,  461 


Nabopolassar,  502 

Nahum,  492;  date,  500-502; 

home,  502-505;  name,  492 
Nahum,  book  of,  492-500;  con¬ 
tents,  492-494;  historical  back¬ 
ground,  500-502;  integrity  and 
unity,  494-500;  style,  507; 
teaching,  505-507 
Nehemiah,  597,  599-601,  604 
Nineveh,  extent,  444,  451,  466; 

fall,  501,  502 
No  Amon,  500 


Obadiah,  430;  date,  432-438; 
name,  430,  431;  Obadiah  and 
Jeremiah,  435*437 


622 


INDEX 


Obadiah,  book  of,  431-438;  con¬ 
tents,  432;  date,  432-438;  his¬ 
torical  background,  434,  435; 
origin,  437,  438;  teaching,  438, 
439;  unity,  432-438 

Parables,  442,  458 

Religion,  338,  351,  352,  378,  379, 
553*  555.  586,  598,  606,  610 
Repentance,  379,  380,  455 
Responsibility,  351 
Retribution,  553 
Righteousness,  429,  430 

Sacrifice,  553,  598,  606 
Satan,  584,  585 
Scythians,  529,  535"537 
Seleucidae,  579,  580 
Shamashshumukin,  501 
Shepherd,  foolish,  588,  589;  good, 
588 

Skepticism,  547,  549,  604-606 
Spirit,  403 

Temple,  rebuilding,  546,  547; 

significance,  55i~553,  585 
Theocracy,  349 
Tradition,  443,  444 

Umman  manda,  501,  502 


Universalism,  448,  449,  457,  523, 
524.  531,  54i.  553*  61 1 

Vindictiveness,  506,  507 
Visions,  345,  554,  584 

Whoredom,  369,  370 

Yahweh,  349,  350,  377,  378,  428, 
429.  523*  524*  540,  586,  587, 
609,  610;  glory  of,  349,  350, 
holiness  of,  350,  351;  name  of, 
349.  350.  sovereignty  of,  507, 

589,  590 

Zechariah,  554,  581-583;  date, 
582,  583;  name,  554 
Zechariah,  book  of,  554-581; 
contents,  554~558;  date,  559, 
560,  569-580;  historical  back¬ 
ground,  559,  560,  564,  565,  583; 
teaching,  584-591;  unity,  558- 

569 

Zephamah,  525,  538,  539;  date, 
532-536;  name,  525 
Zephaniah,  book  of,  525-532; 
contents,  525,  526;  historical 
background,  537,  538;  integ¬ 
rity,  526-532;  teaching,  540, 
54i 

Zerubbabel,  549,  553,  586 


II.  Textual 


Only  passages  to  which  special  consideration  is  given  in  the  discussion 
are  included. 

Genesis 
1.  2  .  .  .  . 


2  Kings 

13.  25.  •  . 

14.  8-14. 
14.  25.  .  . 
18.  4.  .  .  . 
18.  10.  .  . 
18.  13.  .  . 
24.  1  off. . , 

1  Chronicles 

21.  1 _ 

2  Chronicles 
21.  16,  17 

Ezra 

3-  8-13. 


466 

420 

434 

419,  440,  459 

499 

488 

488 

434 

584,  585 

434 

546 

623 


INDEX 


Psalm 

137 . 340 

Isaiah 

i-  II-I5 . 35i 

6-  3 . 349,  350 

15.  1 — 16.  12 . 440 

21.  6 . 521 

Jeremiah 

3-16,17 . 351 

7-  21,  22 . 351 

25-  11 . 548 

26.  18,  19 . 487,  488 

49-  7~22 . 433-436 

5i-  34 . 442,  458 

5i-  44 . 442,  458 

Ezekiel 

1.  1,  2 . 325,  341 

1.  28 . 350 

2,  3 . 342 

2.  9 . 329,  330 

3-  15 . 342 

3-  23 . 350 

3-  25 . 343 

3-  26 . 329,  330 

6.  n . 344 

11.  19 . 352 

12.  16 . 336 

14-  1 . 344 

14.  21-23 . 336 

18.  21-32 . 351,  352 

18.  30-32 . 347 

20.  8 . 347 

20.  9 . 347 

21.  18-23 . 336 

21.  28-32 . 336 

23-  3 . 347 

24.  16-18 . 343 

24.  27 . 329,  330,  343 

25—32 . 320,  321,  329,  347 

26.  1 . 325,326 

26.  12 . 331 

28.  1-5 . 573 

29.  17-24 . 331,336 

32.  1 7 . 325 

33-  12 . 343 

33-  30 . 344 

36.  22,  23 . 350,  352 

37-  I-I4 . 442 

38 . 328 

38,  39 . 334,  335,  347 

40—48 . 328-330,  332,  335,  344,  349,  352 

40.  1 . 325 

624 


INDEX 


Ilosea 

i.  i . 

i—3 . 

i.  2,  3 . 

i-  7 . 

1.  9 — 2.  I . 

2.  13-23 . 

2.  IQ,  20 . 

2.  21,  22 . 

3-  I . 

3-  i-5 . 

3-  5 . 

4— 14 . 

4-  15 . 

5.  15—6.3 . 

6.  2 . 

6.  4-6 . 

14-  i-3 . 

14-  i-9 . 

Joel 

1.  1 . 

1.  1 — 2.  17 . 

i-  2,  3 . 

1.  2 — 2.  27 . 

i-  9 . 

i-  15 . 

1.  2 . 

2.  1-11 . 

2.  12,  13 . 

2.  12-17 . 

2.  17 . 

2.  18 . 

2.  18 — 3.  21 . 

2.  20 . 

2.  22 . 

2.  25 . 

2.  27 . 

2.  28,  29  . 

2.  28 — 3.  21 . 

2.  29 . 

2.  30,  31 . 

3 . 

3-  1-5.... . 

3-  6 . 

3-  17 . 

3‘  21 . 

Amos 

1.  1 . 

I.  6—8 . 

I.  6-12 . 

1.  9,  10 . 

1.  11,  12 . 

2»  4.  5  •  *  ■  •  >  t  r  t  r  r 


354.  365-368,  371,  372 

355.  365 
373-377 
359 

358,  360,  361,  364 
358,  360,  361 
379 

379 

373-377 

358,  360,  361 

380 

355.  365 
359 

358,  360,  361 

458 

380 

380 

358,  360,  361 


380 

382,  397,  398,  402 


400 

383,  384 
399 

395,  400,  402 


395,  400,  402 

397 

404 

394.  403 


382,  399,  401 

382 

382 


399.  401 
399 

399.  400 

403 

403 

383,  384 
388 


402 

403 

392,  393 

393 

403 

403 


404,  419,  422 
409 

409-4 1 1 
409 

410,  41 1 

41 1,  412 
625 


INDEX 


Amos 

2.  II,  12 . 426,  427 

3-  2-8 . 413 

4-  13 . 412-414 

5.  8,  9 . 412-414 

5-  15 . .  •  -4i6,  429 

5.  21-25.  . . 351 

6.  14 . 419 

7-  2 . 416,  429 

7-  5 . 4i6,  429 

7-  14 . 423 

9-  5,  6 . 412-414 

9-  8-15 . 414-418 

9-  n-15 . 4i6,  417 

9-  12 . 431 

Obadiah 

1 . 431 

i—9 . . . 433-437 

11— 14 . 433-435.  438 

17—21 . 433,  438 

21 . 439 

Jonah 

1.  1 . 439,440 

1.  13,  14 . 470 

1.  17 .  , . 460,  468 

2.  1 . 469 

2.  2-9 . 466,467,470 

2.  10 . 460 

3-  3 . 443,  444,  45i,  4^5,  466 

3-  5-io . 449,  450 

3.  6 . 466 

3-  6-9 . 470 

4-  10,  11 . 457 

Micah 

1.  1 . 471,487 

i—3 . 474 

1.  2-16 . 486 

I.  6 . 487,  488 

1.  14 . 487 

2.  1-11 . 486 

2.  12,  13 . 477-481 

3.  1-12 . 486 

3-  12 . 487 

4-  1-5 . 486 

4.  5 . 474,  476,  481,  482,  486 

4.  9,  10 . 486 

5*  1 . 486 

5.  10-14 . 486 

6.  1 . 484 

6.  1 — 7.6 . 483,486 

6,  7 . 474-477,  482-486 

6.  6-8 . 351 

6.  7 . 484 

626 


INDEX 


Micah 

6.  17 . 

7.  7-20.  .  . 

7.  12 . 

Nahum 

1.  1 . 

r.  2,  3 - 

1.  2 — 2.  2 . 

1.  3-7 - 

i-  15 . 

2.  14—3.  7 

3-8 . 

3.  18,  19.  . 

Habakkuk 

1.  1 . 

1,  2 . 

1.  2-4.  .  .  . 
1.  5-11.  .  . 

1.  12-17.  • 

2.  1 . 

2.  1-4 .... 

2.  4 . 

2.  5-20 .  .  . 
2.  6-8 

2.  9-20.  .  . 

2.  20 . 

3-  I . 

3.  1-19-  •  • 
3.  17-19-  - 

Zephaniah 

1.  1 . 

1.  3.  5 - 

i-4 . 

I.  8 . 

1.  11 . 

1.  12 . 

1.  14 . 

1.  14-17-  - 

2.  1-3 - 

2.  3 . 

2.  4-7 - 

2.  4-15.  •  . 
2.  8-1 1 .  .  . 
2.  11 . 

2.  12-15.  . 

3.  1-7 - 

3-  8 . 

3.  9,  10.  .  . 
3.  n-13.  . 
3.  14-20.  . 

Haggai 

1.  1 . 

1.  1— 1 1 .  .  . 


.484 

.483-486 

•485 

.492,  502-505 

•505 

•497,  498 
•494,  496 
-  505,  506 

•499 

.500 

499 

508,  521 

510-514 

508,  5II-5H 

508,  511-515,  521 

509,  5H-5I4 

521 

509,  5II-5H 

524 

509,  5II-5H 
516 

515,  5i6 

516 

517 

517,  5i8 

524 

525,  538,  539 
534 

533,  534,  539 
533,  534 
535,  539 
538 
536 

540,  54i 

528,  529 

528 

529 

529-531 

529-531 

541 
53i 
53i 

531 

531,  532 

532 

•532,  54i 

541,  546,  550 

542 

627 


INDEX 


Haggai 

1.  12-15 . 542,546 

2.  1-9 . 542 

2.  3 . 550 

2.  6,  7,  22 . 548 

2.  10-19 . 542-544 

2.  20-23 . 542,  544,  545,  553 

Zechariah 

i-  1 . 554,  58i,  582 

1—8 . 558-567,  584-587 

1.  7—6.  8 . 554 

3-  1-10 . 584,  585 

3-  8 . 585,  586 

4-  7-io . 585,  586 

6.  9-13 . 585,  586 

9— 11 . 567-575,  579-581 

9—14 . ....558,  560-567,  578-580 

9-  i-7 . 573 

9-  9,  10 . 571,  572,  587,  588 

9-  13 . 579,  580 

ii*  4-14 . 588,  589 

ii*  14 . 571,  572 

ii*  15-17 . 588,589 

12.  1 . 575,  576 

12—14 . 567,  568,  575-578,  580,  581 

12.  12,  13 . 577 

13*  7-9 . 588,  589 

14*  5 . 575,  576 

14*  16-19 . 590,591 

14*  18 . 576 

Malachi 

i*  1 . 581,  59i 

1.  2-5 . 609 

1.  6 — 2.  9 . 610 

i*  8 . 598,  599,  601 

1.  11 . 611 

2.  10 . 610 

2.  10-16 . 598,  599,  607,  610 

2.  17 . 605 

3.  1 . 611,  612 

3*  7-12 . 605 

3.  10 . 602 

3*  13-15 . 606 

4*  4 . 598,  608 

4.  5,  6 . 611,  612 

Matthew 

12.  39-41 . 443,  445-448 

16.  4 . 443,  445-448 

27*  9 . 560 

Luke 

1 1*. 29-32 . - . 443,  445-4+8 

Galatians 

3*  11 . 524 

628 


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